Editing Revolutionary Progressivism (section)

==History==
The history of all revolutionary causes is associated with [[File:Prog-u.png]] [[Progressivism]], which expanded in the era of the [[File:Enlightenment.png]] [[Enlightenment Thought|Enlightenment]]. However, it wasn't until the organization of the [[File:Jacobin.png]] [[Jacobinism|Jacobin Club]] rooted the ideas credited to Revolutionary Progressivism.

==='''[[File:RedShirts.png]] Red Shirts and Tomás Garrido Canabal'''===

Red Shirts (or in Spanish Camisas Rojas) was an extremist left-wing and anti-religious group founded in 1931 by Tomás Garrido Canabal, in his tenure as governor, the name is because members wear red shirts. The group aimed to follow the orders of Canabal, which was mainly anti-clerical as articles of 1917, in which it destroyed several church buildings.

The group's ideals consisted of attacking things that "hindered progress" like religion and alcohol, as well as having a bias towards Marxism and Leninism (with an extra focus on Leninism), in which their anthem was the ''internationale'' and many were based on the Bolsheviks and were even accused of being "fascists" and ''"indoctrination shock troops for the intense campaign against God and religion"''. The group disbanded in 1935 after Canabal ordered them to kill Catholics and Cardenas arrested 62 members.

*[[File:RedShirts.png]] '''Tomás Garrido Canabal -''' Tomás Garrido Canabal was an anti-religious military politician and governor of Yucatan and Tabasco in Mexico and his ideology was Garridismo. Even before taking a role in politics, he was expelled for demonstrating against Porfirio Diaz in his first year of high school.

He became known for his administration as governor of Tabasco (1920-1935), in which he promoted some social advances such as women's suffrage and public education, but was accused of authoritarianism and brutality, especially for his anti-religion campaign, having as focus on Christianity, in which he founded Camisas Rojas to persecute and destroy churches in Tabasco. He justified his religious persecution by saying it was a way of "seeking the freedom of the people", he had banned masses and religious images were burned in public, in addition to having encouraged satirical plays mocking Christianity. Another important aspect was socialism, in which he founded several socialist organizations, the best known being Camisas Rojas and he was very fond of Lenin. He also banned alcoholic beverages (except beer) and executed criminals without trial, causing crime in Tabasco to decline.

Described as socialist tyranny by Martin C. Needler, in 1934 he had Catholic youths shot in Coyoacán Square, generating indignation among the population. He left in 1935, after the arrival of Lázaro Cárdenas, went into exile in Costa Rica, dying in California in 1943.

==='''[[File:BernardoDeMonteagudo.png]] Monteagudism'''===
[[File:BernardoDeMonteagudo.png]] Bernardo de Monteagudo was an [[File:Cball-Argentina.png]] Argentine [[File:Krit.png]] lawyer, [[File:Mediastocracy flair.png]] journalist and [[File:InfRevolutionaryism.png]] revolutionary who played a fundamental role in the [[File:RevNat.png]] independence of Argentina and [[File:Cball-Peru.png]] Peru. He was an early promoter of the [[File:Sep.png]] independence movements in Spanish America. Belonging to the more [[File:Radlib.png]] [[Radicalism|radical]] wing, also called [[File:Jacobin.png]] "[[Jacobinism|Jacobin]]" because it was heavily inspired by the French Revolution.

He studied at the University of Chuquisaca, where he learned about [[File:Enlightenment.png]] [[Enlightenment Thought|Enlightenment]] authors and was strongly inspired by [[File:Rousseau.png]] [[Enlightenment Thought|Jean-Jacques Rousseau]]. In 1809, an uprising occurred in the same city with the aim of achieving independence for [[File:Cball-Bolivia.png]] Upper Peru, and Monteagudo was one of its main leaders, later being imprisoned for his involvement.

In 1810, with the arrival of [[File:JuanJoseCastelli.png]] [[Abolitionism|Castelli]] and his revolutionary army, Monteagudo escaped from prison and made himself available as Castelli's secretary. Together, they issued a series of revolutionary decrees abolishing the [[File:Inquisition.png]] Inquisition, [[File:Slavery.png]] indigenous servitude, [[File:Monarch.png]] noble titles, instruments of torture, and [[File:LandReform.png]] [[Agrarian Socialism|distributing lands]] from the [[w:Mit'a|mit'a system]] among the now freed slaves. However, they also promoted the [[File:Death Penalty.png]] death penalty against all those they considered [[File:Reactcross.png]] "[[Reactionaryism|counter-revolutionaries]]" and initiated a systematic [[File:Anti- Hispanism.png]] persecution of Spaniards. And finally, Monteagudo and Castelli shared a hatred of the [[File:Catheo.png]] [[Catholic Theocracy|Catholic Church]], especially Monteagudo, who was openly an [[File:Atheism.png]] {{PHB|Atheism|atheist}}.

After the defeat of the revolutionary army at the [[w:Battle of Huaqui|Battle of Huaqui]] in 1811, Monteagudo and Castelli had to return to Buenos Aires, where Monteagudo defended Castelli in a trial against him for the expedition's failure. Castelli died a few months later from tongue cancer.

At the end of 1811 and throughout 1812, Monteagudo became the leader of the radical [[File:MarianoMoreno.png]] [[Republicanism|Morenist]] faction, promoting the enlightenment and civic ceremonies in "Temples of Liberty", openly criticizing the [[File:Moder.png]] [[Moderatism|moderates]] and [[File:Conservative.png]] [[Conservatism|conservatives]], especially those of the [[w:First Triumvirate (Argentina)|First Triumvirate]]. In 1812, with the military help of [[File:Mach.png]] Carlos Maria de Alvear and [[File:SanMartin.png]] [[Constitutional Monarchism|Jose de San Martin]], Monteagudo organized a [[File:OchloAngry.png]] mob that overthrew the First Triumvirate and put in place the [[w:Second Triumvirate (Argentina)|Second Triumvirate]], made up of politicians more willing to declare independence.

The Second Triumvirate convened the [[w:Assembly of the Year XIII|Assembly of the Year XIII]], of which Monteagudo was a member and was a driving force behind the abolition of the [[File:Inquisition.png]] Inquisition, [[File:Abolitionism.png]] the abolition of slavery, the [[File:Antimon.png]] suppression of titles of nobility, the adoption of [[File:ArgentinePatriotism.png]] national symbols, the [[File:Secular.png]] secularization of ecclesiastical property, and the severing of relations between [[File:Cball-Argentina.png]] Argentina and the [[File:Cball-VaticanCity.png]] Vatican.

Monteagudo was exiled from Argentina due to his support for Supreme Director [[File:Mach.png]] Carlos Maria de Alvear. He lived for two years in [[File:Cball-EU.png]] Europe where he changed his [[File:Republicanismpix.png]] [[Republicanism|republican]] and [[File:Dem.png]] [[Democracy|democratic]] thinking towards [[File:Conmon.png]] [[Constitutional Monarchism|constitutional monarchy]]. After his stay ended, he was able to return to Argentina.

He accompanied [[File:SanMartin.png]] José de San Martín during his liberation campaign, eventually settling in Peru where San Martín appointed him as his minister. In this position, Monteagudo continued to issue [[File:CapAnti Clerical.png]] {{PCBA|Anti-Clericalism|anti-clerical}} and [[File:Abolitionism.png]] [[Abolitionism|abolitionist]] decrees, systematically persecuting Spaniards by confiscating their property and expelling them. However, he also restricted [[File:AntiDem.png]] democratic and [[File:Antirep.png]] republican ideas as much as possible, favoring [[File:Monarch.png]] [[Monarchism|monarchical]] ones. In 1822, a group of republicans, taking advantage of San Martín's absence from Peru, overthrew Monteagudo and forced him to return to Argentina.

In 1823, Monteagudo met with [[File:Bolivarism.png]] [[Bolivarianism|Bolívar]] in [[File:Cball-Ecuador.png]] Ecuador, where the two became friends, primarily due to their shared [[File:PanAmer.png]] [[Pan-Nationalism|Pan-Americanist]] ideals. In 1824, Bolívar invited Monteagudo to return to Peru to assist him in his government. After Monteagudo's return to Lima, Bolívar asked him to draft a document for a future congress aimed at unifying Hispanic America. However, Monteagudo was assassinated while on his way to visit one of his lovers, and the reasons for his murder remain a subject of debate to this day.

=== [[File:Zhdanov.png]] '''Zhdanovism/Zhdanov Doctrine''' ===
'''Zhdanov Doctrine''' refers to the cultural, political, and ideological framework articulated by Andrei Zhdanov in the late 1940s within the Soviet Union. It functioned as a central pillar of late [[File:Stalin.png]]'''Stalinism''', shaping cultural production, political orthodoxy, and international alignment during the early Cold War period. The doctrine formalized a rigid binary worldview dividing the world into two opposing camps—socialist and capitalist—while reinforcing [[File:Antiwest.png]]'''anti-Westernism''', [[File:SovietPatriot.png]]'''Soviet patriotism''', and ideological discipline across all spheres of life. It also extended beyond foreign policy into cultural regulation, embedding [[File:Totprog.png]]'''totalitarian progressivism''' within the Soviet system by asserting that all artistic, intellectual, and political expression must serve the goals of socialism.

The origins of the Zhdanov Doctrine lie in the immediate aftermath of World War II, when the Soviet Union emerged as a global superpower but faced increasing ideological confrontation with Western nations. Zhdanov, a close associate of Joseph Stalin, articulated the doctrine in 1947 as part of the Cominform’s strategy to consolidate control over Eastern Europe and unify communist parties under Moscow’s leadership. Central to this framework was an uncompromising [[File:VictoryBanner.png]]'''anti-fascism''', which remained a defining element of Soviet identity following the defeat of Nazi Germany. However, this anti-fascist stance was paired with a broader rejection of Western liberal democracy, framed as inherently bourgeois and imperialist. This reinforced '''anti-Westernism''' and justified the expansion of Soviet influence, contributing to a form of [[File:StalinImp.png]]'''Soviet imperialism''' in Eastern Europe.

Domestically, the doctrine sought to eliminate ideological ambiguity by opposing [[File:Antiapolit.png]]'''apoliticism''', insisting that all cultural and intellectual activity must be explicitly political and aligned with socialist goals. This led to a systematic campaign against [[File:Anti-Cosmopolitanism.png]]'''cosmopolitanism''', which Soviet authorities associated with Western influence and disloyalty. The campaign against so-called “rootless cosmopolitans” in the late 1940s exemplified this policy, targeting intellectuals accused of lacking national loyalty. These campaigns contributed to accusations of [[File:LeftAntisem.png]]'''anti-Semitism''', as many of those targeted were Jewish intellectuals, though the official rhetoric framed these actions in ideological rather than ethnic terms.

The Zhdanov Doctrine also reinforced the Soviet state’s longstanding effort to [[File:Anti-Religion.png]]marginalize religious institutions and promote atheism as a component of socialist modernity. Religion was portrayed as a remnant of pre-revolutionary society, incompatible with the forward-looking ethos of [[File:Progcom.png]]'''progressive communism'''. This emphasis on progress was deeply intertwined with a form of [[File:FuturistAntifa.png]]'''futurism''', which celebrated technological advancement, industrialization, and the construction of a new socialist society. However, unlike earlier avant-garde movements, Soviet futurism under Zhdanov was tightly controlled, subordinated to state ideology rather than artistic experimentation.

Culturally, the doctrine mandated adherence to [[File:Socialist_realism.png]]'''socialist realism''', the official artistic style of the Soviet Union. Artists, writers, and musicians were required to produce works that depicted socialist society in an idealized and accessible manner, emphasizing heroism, labor, and collective achievement. This cultural policy was enforced through a system that can be described as [[File:Mediacracy.png]]'''mediacracy''', in which state-controlled media and cultural institutions played a central role in shaping public consciousness. The dominance of the Communist Party in all aspects of life also reflected [[File:Vanguardism.png]]'''particracy''', as political authority was concentrated within the party apparatus, leaving little room for independent or pluralistic expression.

The ideological rigidity of the Zhdanov Doctrine extended to internal party dynamics, where it functioned as a tool for consolidating power and eliminating dissent. It was explicitly [[File:AntiModer.png]]'''anti-Malenkovism''', opposing the more moderate tendencies associated with Georgy Malenkov and other figures who advocated for reduced ideological pressure and greater focus on economic development. Instead, Zhdanov’s framework reinforced the dominance of hardline Stalinist policies, emphasizing ideological purity and centralized control.

The doctrine also incorporated elements of [[File:Sorel.png]]'''Sorelianism''', particularly in its emphasis on myth, mobilization, and the transformative power of collective struggle. While not directly derived from the ideas of Georges Sorel, the use of revolutionary narratives and heroic imagery in socialist realism echoed Sorel’s concept of mobilizing myths as a driving force in political movements. This contributed to the broader characterization of the doctrine as a form of '''totalitarian progressivism''', in which the pursuit of a utopian socialist future justified extensive state control over society.

Geopolitically, the Zhdanov Doctrine reinforced a sense of [[File:PanSlav.png]]'''Pan-Slavism''', particularly in its emphasis on the Soviet Union as the leader of Slavic and Eastern European nations. This cultural and political alignment was used to legitimize Soviet influence in countries such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria, integrating them into a unified socialist bloc. This alignment was not purely cultural but also strategic, strengthening the Soviet Union’s position in the emerging Cold War.

In practice, the Zhdanov Doctrine resulted in widespread repression of intellectual and cultural life. Writers such as Anna Akhmatova and composers like Dmitri Shostakovich were publicly denounced for failing to conform to socialist realism, illustrating the extent of state control over artistic expression. These campaigns demonstrated how the doctrine functioned as an instrument of [[File:TotCommie.png]]'''totalitarianism''', enforcing conformity and suppressing dissent across all levels of society.

The legacy of the Zhdanov Doctrine is closely tied to the broader trajectory of Stalinism. It represents a period in which ideological control reached its peak, shaping not only domestic policy but also the international orientation of the Soviet Union. By combining '''anti-fascism''', '''anti-Westernism''', '''progressive communism''', and '''Soviet patriotism''' with mechanisms of '''mediacracy''', '''particracy''', and cultural regulation, the doctrine exemplifies the integration of ideology and state power characteristic of late Stalinist governance.

Ultimately, the Zhdanov Doctrine stands as a defining expression of Soviet ideological orthodoxy in the early Cold War. Its synthesis of cultural control, political centralization, and geopolitical strategy illustrates how the Soviet leadership sought to construct a unified and disciplined socialist society while asserting its influence on the global stage.