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"The average successful banker is by no means so intelligent and resourceful a man as is the average successful business man. Yet the banker through his control of credit practically controls the average business man."

Financialism, also known as Bankocracy and Trapezocracy, is a form of government where banks and other financial institutions have political power to rule.

History

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  • The term Bankocracy was first used in 1797 by the Scottish deputy and soldier William Fullarton, who stated that "It is Bankocracy which threatens the destruction of the social order... negotiations and peace". Subsequently, several authors and writers on the left have already used the ruling system as a derogatory term, the most notable being: Proudhon, Bakunin and Marx. It is also used in Marxist economics as a way of describing finance capitalism.

Currently, this term is used in a derogatory way by populists to describe the European Union and various financial crises, and some have used it in a derogatory way to capitalism.

  • The term Trapezocracy appeared in 2011 by the Greek economist Yanis Varoufakis in his writings. The term has the same meaning as Financialism, so much so that trapezo comes from the Greek trápeza (τράπεζα) which means bank. Later, the term gained popularity in the Occupy Wall Street protests and is currently used (not a lot, but it is used) derogatory to capitalist economy and neoliberalism.

Germany

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Nazi Germany in the Hjalmar Schacht government - Nazi Germany had a lot of privatization and decentralization of the economy. In the Nazi administration, unemployment was almost extinct and Germany became a rich country, but this was not thanks to Hitler but to the economist Hjalmar Schacht.

Schachtism

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Hjalmar Schacht (1877–1970) was a German economist and banker who played a central role in the financial stabilization of Germany during the Weimar Republic and later in the early economic consolidation of Nazi Germany. He first rose to prominence as President of the Reichsbank, where he helped curb the hyperinflation crisis of 1923 through currency reform. His reputation as a financial technocrat was built on restoring monetary stability and rebuilding confidence in German industry and banking.

Schacht’s political alignment shifted over time. Initially associated with strands of national liberalism and conservative liberalism, he favored market mechanisms combined with strong national direction. Though he cooperated with Adolf Hitler’s government and served as Minister of Economics (1934–1937), his relationship with the Nazi leadership became strained. While often described as aligned with a form of conservative Nazism, focused on economic revival rather than racial ideology, he later distanced himself from core elements of the regime. By the late 1930s, he had fallen out of favor, and after the July 20 plot against Hitler, he was imprisoned by the regime. In retrospect, he positioned himself as anti-Nazi, though historians debate the depth and timing of his opposition.

Economically, Schacht advocated a model sometimes described as authoritarian capitalism or national capitalism, combining private industrial ownership with extensive state coordination. He promoted industrialism and rearmament-driven growth, seeking economic recovery through infrastructure projects and military expansion. His policies emphasized autarky, reducing dependence on foreign imports through bilateral trade agreements and domestic production strategies. The system of Verkartellierung—cartelization and coordination among major industries—reflected a corporatist structure that some scholars interpret as resembling corporatocracy, where large industrial and financial interests were integrated into state planning.

Schacht was a staunch opponent of socialism, particularly Marxist economic models, which he regarded as incompatible with national strength and private enterprise. At the same time, he publicly rejected antisemitic economic discrimination in certain contexts , though his record during the early Nazi period remains contested. His stance combined elements of pragmatic technocracy with nationalist loyalty, leading some analysts to characterize his approach as Machiavellian, prioritizing strategic survival and influence within shifting political conditions.

Intellectually, Schacht’s outlook can be interpreted through the lens of reactionary modernism—embracing technological and industrial progress while rejecting liberal-democratic political culture. His blend of market economics, nationalist direction, and executive authority has also been labeled reactionary liberalism or conservative technoliberalism, reflecting tension between economic modernization and political authoritarianism.

Hjalmar Schacht’s legacy remains complex. He was instrumental in Germany’s recovery from economic collapse, yet also contributed to the financial and industrial foundations of the Nazi regime. His career illustrates how technocratic expertise, nationalist ambition, and political opportunism can intersect in periods of systemic crisis.

Flag of Schachtism
  • Alfred Hugenberg was a German media businessman and a politician who advocated policies very similar to lebensraum, even prior to the First World War. From January to June 1933 he held the positions of the Minister of Economics and the Minister for Agriculture and Food in Hitler's first cabinet, where he promoted strong protectionist policies and called for return of Germany's overseas possessions lost after WWI. See here for details.

Carneyism

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Mark Carney (born 1965) is a Canadian economist and central banker who served as Governor of the Bank of Canada (2008–2013) and later as Governor of the Bank of England (2013–2020). He became one of the few non-British officials to lead the UK’s central bank, overseeing monetary policy during the aftermath of the global financial crisis and throughout the Brexit referendum period. His career has positioned him at the intersection of finance, environmental policy, and liberal democratic governance.

Carney’s economic outlook is rooted in the New Neoclassical Synthesis, combining macroeconomic stabilization tools from Keynesian theory with neoclassical market principles. His approach to monetary governance reflects centralism regarding banking, emphasizing the independence and technocratic authority of central banks in managing inflation, systemic risk, and financial stability. This technocratic orientation aligns with what commentators describe as technoliberalism, a belief in expert-led policy solutions within liberal democratic frameworks.

Politically, Carney’s public interventions have been interpreted as rhetorically anti-Trumpist, particularly when he defended multilateral trade systems and climate agreements during the Trump administration. Some critics characterized his remarks as implicitly anti-American, though his positions largely focused on policy disagreements rather than national opposition. His tenure in the United Kingdom displayed clear pro-Europeanism, especially in the context of Brexit, where he warned of potential economic disruptions stemming from withdrawal from the European Union.

Carney’s policy thought intersects with strands of Canadian liberalism and moderate federalism, reflecting Canada’s institutional structure and emphasis on cooperative governance. Observers have also noted partial affinity with Trudeau-era liberalism, particularly in climate policy and inclusive economic rhetoric, though Carney has remained formally nonpartisan in his central banking roles. Comparisons to Bloombergism highlight shared priorities such as fiscal prudence, market-based environmental reform, and urban-globalist outlooks.

A defining feature of Carney’s later career has been his emphasis on environmentalism, especially climate-related financial risk disclosure. He has advocated a “green market” transition, arguing that financial systems should price carbon exposure and incentivize sustainable investment. This orientation aligns with green liberalism, which seeks to reconcile environmental responsibility with market-based economic structures.

Commentators have occasionally accused Carney of alignment with WEFism, referencing his participation in World Economic Forum discussions. Such characterizations generally reflect skepticism toward global policy coordination forums rather than documented ideological allegiance. Since the mid-2020s, some analysts have described his pragmatic engagement with state-guided economic modernization particularly in discussions of industrial policy as echoing aspects of Dengist reform logic, though within democratic and market-oriented constraints.

Across his career, Carney has consistently emphasized pragmatism, institutional stability, and incremental reform. His public record reflects an attempt to integrate financial orthodoxy, environmental transition, and liberal international cooperation within the operational boundaries of central banking and multilateral governance.

Genoudism

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François Genoud (1915–1996) was a Swiss financier and political activist known for his long-standing involvement with radical nationalist movements in Europe and the Middle East. Born in Lausanne, Genoud developed early sympathies for National Socialism during the interwar period. Over time, he cultivated connections with former Nazi officials, Arab nationalist leaders, and militant anti-colonial organizations. His activities spanned financial management, legal advocacy, and political networking, placing him at the margins of several controversial ideological currents of the twentieth century.

Genoud’s early political orientation was closely aligned with Nazism, and he maintained ideological loyalty to aspects of National Socialist doctrine even after the defeat of Nazi Germany. He reportedly managed literary estates linked to high-ranking Nazi figures, facilitating the dissemination of their writings. His worldview incorporated strong anti-Semitism and anti-Westernism, positioning liberal democracy, American influence, and global finance as adversarial forces. These positions later converged with his anti-Zionism, which he framed within the broader context of opposition to the State of Israel and Western-backed Middle Eastern policy.

Despite his association with European fascism, Genoud also supported various anti-colonial movements in North Africa and the Middle East. He developed ties with the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), and later expressed support for Fatah and broader Palestinian nationalism. His relationships extended to figures such as George Habash, associated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and to networks connected with Carlos the Jackal. These connections have led observers to link Genoud with militant transnational activism, sometimes characterized as ideological sympathy for revolutionary violence, though his role was more frequently financial and logistical than operational.

Genoud’s engagement with Middle Eastern political currents brought him into proximity with strands of Nasserism, emphasizing Arab unity and anti-imperial resistance, and later with elements aligned with the Iranian Revolution, often labeled Khomeinism. Analysts have debated whether his cross-ideological alliances represented pragmatic anti-Western alignment or a coherent synthesis sometimes described polemically as “Islamic fascism.” His activities demonstrate a convergence of far-right European thought with certain radical nationalist movements, unified primarily by shared hostility to Western liberal hegemony and Zionism.

Economically, Genoud operated within Swiss financial structures, occasionally invoking aspects of the Helvetic model of banking secrecy and neutrality. Critics have described his financial interventions as reflecting patterns associated with plutocracy or even corporatocracy, insofar as private wealth and transnational networks were leveraged to influence political causes. Allegations of kleptocracy have surfaced in discussions of opaque funding channels, though documentation varies in reliability.

François Genoud remains a controversial historical figure whose life intersected with both European fascism and post-colonial militant nationalism. His activities illustrate how ideological currents as distinct as Nazism, Arab nationalism, and revolutionary anti-imperialism could, in specific historical contexts, converge around shared adversaries and strategic cooperation.


Variants

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Rothschild family

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The Rothschild family is a European banking dynasty that rose to prominence in the late 18th and 19th centuries, beginning with Mayer Amschel Rothschild in Frankfurt. Through a coordinated network of banking houses established in major European capitals, the family became deeply involved in state finance, war bonds, infrastructure development, and international investment. Their influence during the era of expanding global markets positioned them as central actors in the development of modern financial capitalism.

Historically, the family’s ascent coincided with the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment. Their operations reflected principles associated with Enlightenment thought, including rational economic organization, secular statecraft, and transnational cooperation. By financing governments across political divides, the Rothschilds became emblematic of early financial globalism, linking European economies through credit systems and capital flows.

The family’s prominence also tied them to the aristocratic structures of 19th-century Europe. Several members were ennobled, integrating the banking dynasty into continental aristocracy. Their wealth and influence often led critics to describe their position as emblematic of plutocracy, where economic power intersects significantly with political authority. In imperial Europe, their financial activities intersected with imperialism, as they funded infrastructure and state borrowing linked to colonial expansion and geopolitical competition.

In political discourse, especially from the late 19th century onward, the Rothschild name became entangled in conspiracy theories alleging secret control of global affairs. Claims associating the family with Illuminatism or covert world governance lack credible historical evidence and are widely regarded by scholars as products of antisemitic and anti-financial propaganda. Similarly, accusations of systemic kleptocracy reflect polemical narratives rather than substantiated historical consensus.

The family’s historical role has also intersected with discussions of Zionism. Notably, members such as Baron Edmond de Rothschild supported early Jewish settlement efforts in Ottoman Palestine. This patronage has contributed to their symbolic association with aspects of the Zionist movement, though the family itself has encompassed diverse political perspectives across generations.

Overall, the Rothschild family represents a significant case study in the evolution of international banking, elite integration into aristocratic society, and the formation of modern financial networks. At the same time, their legacy illustrates how concentrated economic influence can generate both documented historical impact and enduring mythologies shaped by political hostility and conspiracy culture.

Personality and Behaviour

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Acts like a stereotypical banker from movies and TV shows. How positive or negative depends on the writer.

How to Draw

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Flag of Financialism
  1. Draw a ball,
  2. Fill it in with blue,
  3. Draw a white line on the bottom
  4. From the line, draw four vertical pillars of the same height
  5. Atop the pillars, draw a triangular roof
  6. Draw in the eyes, and you're done!
Color NameHEXRGB
 Blue#0000FArgb(0, 0, 250)
 White#FFFFFFrgb(255, 255, 255)

Relationships

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Depositors

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No debts

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  • Anarcho-Capitalism - What was that about central banks?
  • Islamic Theocracy - STOP SAYING THAT USURY IS HARAM!!! IT'S NECESSARY FOR BANKS TO GENERATE INCOME!!! At least you're trying to implement Sharia-compliant banks.
  • Avaritionism - I hire him as a collector of debts. We both like Patrick Bateman (for different reasons), but stop attacking banks because you don't like my policies! (Marc Cheney said, that modern traders and bankers are assassins of people and governments, so...)
  • Liang Wenfeng Thought - You used me in a primitive accumulation, but you want to now use this to purge me??
  • Capitalist Communism - Moreira is based, but Hudson does not like me.
  • State Capitalism - If you don't want to nationalise me, then we can cooperate.
  • Dengism - I appreciate that you let big banks monopolize, but you should stop asking me to serve your goals.

Defaulted on debt

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Further Information

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Wikipedia

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