Monarcho-Fascism

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"Fascism will develop in Japan through the people’s will. It will come out of love for the Emperor."

Yōsuke Matsuoka

Monarcho-Fascism is a political system that combines monarchical rule with the authoritarian structures, governance styles, and aesthetics commonly associated with Fascism. Under Monarcho-Fascism, a king, queen, or similar sovereign exercises centralized, autocratic control, suppresses political opposition and dissent, and often imposes state oversight or direction over the economy and society. However, the monarch can also serve as a unifying figure while an actual fascist system handles daily governance. Monarcho-Fascism can thus range from Ceremonial Monarchism to Absolute Monarchism. The most popular example of this ideology in fiction is the Galactic Empire from Star Wars. Palpatine ruled the Galactic Empire as his private property, much like historic monarchist governments in real life, while using the aesthetics and governance styles of historic fascist regimes (especially Nazism).

History

Albania

In 1939, Albania became an Italian protectorate, and Victor Emmanuel III, the Italian King, became King of the Albanians.

Belgium

Belgium's Monarcho-Fascist party was the Rexist Movement. It existed between 1935 and 1945 and was led by Leon Degrelle. Degrelle intended for Rexisme to be a national movement instead of just a political party because of his distrust of party politics. It advocated for pan-Belgianism as opposed to Flanders or Wallonian separatism.

Rexism advocated royalism, Centralism, Corporatism, the dominance of the Roman Catholic church and borrowed many ideas from Integral Nationalism to establish a moral renewal of Belgian society. It also gained inspiration from the Mexican Cristeros and wanted to use them as an example for fighting against the spread of the Soviet Union. Leon Degrelle was the inspiration behind TinTin.

Britain

Main article: British Fascism

British Monarcho-Fascism is considered just British Fascism. It was popularized by Oswald Mosley in the 20s-40s.

Windsor Fascism/Edward VIII Thought

Edward VIII, later known as the Duke of Windsor following his abdication in 1936, was born in 1894 as the eldest son of King George V and Queen Mary. From an early age, Edward’s life was defined by royal expectation and public scrutiny, as he navigated the pressures of monarchy during a period of social and political upheaval in Britain. His early experiences included military service during the First World War, where he served in the British Army and saw active duty in France, experiences that shaped his understanding of power, loyalty, and public perception. He ascended to the throne in January 1936, but his reign lasted less than a year, culminating in his controversial abdication to marry Wallis Simpson, an American divorcée. This decision shocked the British establishment and fundamentally shaped his subsequent political and ideological activities.

Edward’s post-abdication life was marked by his relocation to France and his extensive travels throughout Europe and the United States, during which he maintained connections with various political figures. During the 1930s, he expressed sympathy for British fascism and Nazism, fostering relationships with prominent figures such as Adolf Hitler and other members of the Nazi elite. He and Wallis Simpson reportedly attended events that endorsed authoritarian nationalism, reflecting a personal interest in hierarchical governance and conservative order. Documents from the period, including communications intercepted by intelligence services, suggest that Edward admired elements of authoritarian control and was particularly fascinated by American fascist movements connected to Wallis Simpson’s social circle.

Ideologically, Edward demonstrated strong anti-communist and anti-liberal tendencies, consistently framing liberal democracy as inefficient and overly permissive. His positions often intersected with the imperialist worldview inherited from his upbringing, emphasizing British imperialism as a stabilizing force in global politics. During the 1930s, he made statements in favor of maintaining Britain’s colonial holdings and preserving social hierarchies, reflecting his alignment with semi-constitutional monarchism and a belief in the monarchy as both a political and moral stabilizer. These positions were further complicated by his social conservatism and admiration for structured, hierarchical societies.

Edward’s personal relationships also informed his ideological leanings. His marriage to Wallis Simpson introduced him to a circle that espoused national feminism, an early form of elite-oriented gender politics, where women’s roles were framed in ways that reinforced traditionalist and nationalist hierarchies. Their social network, often characterized by wealth and influence, reinforced Edward’s interest in kakistocracy and kleptocracy, as he engaged with circles that prized elitist governance and concentrated economic control. Some contemporaries interpreted his views as endorsing sexocracy, as social and political influence was intertwined with sexual norms and personal relationships.

In addition to his admiration for fascist regimes, Edward’s worldview contained elements of welfare chauvinism and white supremacism, particularly in relation to his attitudes toward Britain’s colonies and race relations. He expressed concern about racial hierarchies and social cohesion, reflecting a belief that governance required maintaining traditional racial and class structures. These positions often intersected with his broader political strategies, such as attempting to influence public opinion in favor of appeasement toward Nazi Germany prior to the Second World War.

During the Second World War, Edward was appointed Governor of the Bahamas, a post often interpreted as a means to keep him distant from European affairs. While in this role, he continued to write and correspond with political figures, though his influence was limited by the Allied war effort. His legacy remains controversial, as historians debate the extent of his political ambitions versus his personal sympathies toward authoritarian regimes. Edward VIII’s life exemplifies the complex interplay between royal privilege, personal ideology, and historical circumstance, providing a unique window into the intersections of monarchy, fascism, and elite social networks in the first half of the twentieth century.

Brazil

Main article: Brazilian Integralism

The Brazilian Integralists were split between supporting a republic and the return of the monarchy, which was overthrown in a military coup in 1889. However, the movement's leader, Plínio Salgado, was a monarchist.

Canada/Arcandism

Arcandism is based on the thoughts of Canadian political figure Adrien Arcand.

Arcand's views had links with fascist movements in other countries, mixing heterogeneous elements such as: authority, order and revolution, which intersected with conservatism , religion and popular uprising  . Monarchy was an important attribute of Arcand's fascism. Adrien believed that it, more than any other political system, represented the possibility of basing national power on the supreme . The National Social Christian Party strove for the power of the Canadian Dominion , which Arcand called "the real key to the pressing problems of this country"  . The future "revolutionary society", according to Arcand's views, should be based on absolute power, which acts arbitrarily and unpredictably and retains the capacity for evil. In order to maintain control of power, it is necessary to create various myths: religious ideals, either reworked for politics, or political mysticism with a religious tinge, but the logic of this legitimation, according to Arcand's biographer Jean-François Nadeau, always remains opaque  .

Arcand was always strongly opposed to Quebec nationalism . He shared the idea, widespread in French Canada , that Confederation in 1867 was a "pact" between two "nations" who agreed to work together for their common good .  He argued that Canada existed only for the "two founding nations" and that accepting the claims of any other group to "nationality" would necessarily lower their standard of living. Thus, Arcand argued that "the recognition of the Jewish race as an official entity would violate the Confederation treaty, eliminate our rights and force us to officially recognize as national entities all other groups such as Poles, Greeks, Syrians, Russians, Serbs, Germans." Arcand's anti-Semitism was at least partly motivated by the fact that most  Ashkenazi immigrants from Eastern Europe generally arrived in Montreal. He saw Jews as economic competitors, comparing the idealized rural Catholic French Canadian with the stereotypically greedy, unscrupulous big city Jewish capitalist who achieved success only through "his dishonesty rather than his professional skill or ability"  .

Like many other French Canadian intellectuals of the time, Arcand harbored a strong hatred of "godless" France, which was seen as having abandoned Roman Catholicism, leaving Quebec as the last remnant of "real" France. Arcand disliked the egalitarianism of French republicanism, describing with disgust how Josephine Baker  , "the richest and most famous black woman" in France, became a millionaire "after showing her ass at the Folies Bergère ." It was unacceptable to Arcand that someone like Baker had become rich while whites were suffering from the Great Depression .  Biographer-apologist Jean Côté claimed that Arcand was fascinated by the works of the Canadian Catholic priest and historian Lionel Groux and also studied the works of Blaise Pascal in depth , but Adrien shared only part of the ideas of the nationalist historian, rejecting Anglophobia and ideas of separatism: he agreed that Franco-Canadian society needed radical changes, but did not consider national autonomy necessary, positively perceiving Canada's position within the British imperial system; Arcand was more on the side of faith than Pascal's doubt. Biographer Nadeau compares Adrien Arcand to Joachim von Ribbentrop : they both admired the British Empire , calling it their ideal and model  .

China/Manchuria

The Empire of Manchukuo was established in 1932 by the Japanese Empire after the Mudken Incident, a false flag operation staged to take Manchuria from Zhang Xueliang, a warlord affiliated with the Republic of China who made no effort to defend the territory. The Republic of China's premier and de facto leader, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek had ordered a policy of non-resistance to the Japanese to focus on the threat posed by the communist insurgency, which he regarded as more serious, alongside believing ROC was unprepared for the all-out war. The Chinese Northeastern Army under General Zhang Xueliang was vastly largely than the Japanese forces that moved into Manchuria and yet no significant resistance was offered. The Japanese justified the invasion by saying they created a sovereign state separate from China. The last Qing emperor, Puyi made a deal with the Japanese and was appointed as the Emperor of Manchuria.

In 1934 Puyi was formally enthroned as Emperor of Manchukuo, taking the reign name of Kangde or Tranquility and Virtue of the Great Manchu Empire. He announced that Japan and Manchukuo were partners and friends in the Co-Prosperity Sphere (and later, the broader Axis) and that he intended to produce an heir to secure the succession. However, he had no children and instead informally designated Pujie, his brother, as the heir to the throne (not that it mattered since Puyi was still alive when his reign ended).

Puyi allowed only one party in Manchukuo, the Concordia Association, alongside other state-controlled organizations, such as the Russian Fascist Party consisting of White Army exiles. Partisans and dissidents, both real and alledged, became subject to torture, harsh prison conditions, or execution either without trial or after a show trial. The anti-partisan operations known as the "Pacification" were a joint campaign of the Kemepatai and the Manchukuo police and often involved violent reprisals against families of partisans.

Under Puyi's reign with Nobusuke Kishi's assistance, an interpretation of the Soviet 5 year plan was implemented with Manchukuo citizens employed in collective farms, mines, and oil refineries, which enriched both Puyi and his zaibatsu backers, while providing Japan with resources used for their war industry. Manchuria was one of the most productive regions of Japan's Co-Prosperity Sphere, eventually surpassing Japan in steel production. Coal mining, oil drilling, and agriculture were major industries, ports and cities were modernized, trade and business boomed and it was vastly industrialized compared to the the Republic of China, this left Manchuria as the most industrialized area in all of China. However, the working conditions were harsh with zaibatsu and Manchurian state-controlled industry often employed forced labor after the outbreak of the Pacific War.

Puyi has also allowed for Shiro Ishii's Unit 731 to test and manufacture biological weapons on Manchkuo's soil. The Unit's test subjects (called marutas or "logs") were kidnapped civilians who lived in Harbin and the surrounding area, Chinese prisoners of war, and a few Mongol and Soviet POWs. No one who ended up in Ishii's laboratory survived.

The Manchukuo Imperial Army assisted Japan in the Battle of Khalkin Gol (1939) and the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), with its Navy and the Air Force being relatively insignificant. Manchukuo was dissolved in 1945 following the Soviet invasion. Puyi was handed over to the Maoist forces. Mao chose not to execute Puyi and instead sought to send a message by re-educating him into a socialist. Puyi was forced to conduct interviews with people who suffered under his reign and visit the ruins of Unit 731's laboratory. The former emperor said he regretted his atrocities and wrote a book about his rehabilitation called From Emperor to Citizen. In 1959, Puyi was declared rehabilitated. He spent the last years of his life as a dustman and a gardener. Puyi died in 1967.

Croatia

The Ustase party was created in 1929, and they were led by Ante Pavleič. After the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia, they founded a puppet state named the Independent State of Croatia and put an Italian noble, Tomislav II, on the throne while Pavelic became Prime Minister and Poglavnik (party leader and Croatian equivalent of Duce or Fuhrer). It was de jure a constitutional monarchy, but de facto a dictatorship. The Ustase government was extremely brutal against Serbs, Jews, Romas and Communists. Tomislav II held no real power an never visited Croatia out of fear of being captured by the partisans. The monarchy was abolished in 1943 after the Kingdom of Italy defected to the Allies, but Pavelic, who held the real power, stayed in charge and kept the position of Poglavnik for two more years.

Germany

Reichsbürger movement

The Reichsbürger movement is a loose network of individuals and groups in Germany who reject the legitimacy of the modern German state, particularly the Federal Republic of Germany. Its origins can be traced to post–Second World War fringe theories claiming that Germany’s legal sovereignty was never fully restored after the collapse of the Nazi Germany and the Allied occupation. Early proponents argued that the legal framework of the earlier German Reich continued to exist, leading adherents to deny the authority of modern German institutions, laws, and taxation. These arguments developed into a broader ideological milieu that combined conspiratorial historical interpretations with political radicalization.

Writings and propaganda circulated within the movement often present the current constitutional order as illegitimate, reflecting strong anti-democratic, anti-liberal, and reactionary beliefs. Many adherents claim that Germany should revert to earlier constitutional frameworks or territorial arrangements, which has encouraged forms of irredentism and nostalgia for historical states such as the Holy Roman Empire and the German Empire. Some factions promote strong centralism, while others support fragmented sovereignty or quasi-feudal autonomy, sometimes described pragmatically as a “patchwork” model of governance.

Ideologically, the movement incorporates strong elements of ultranationalism, ethnonationalism, and national conservatism, frequently combined with anti-communism and hostility toward pluralist political systems. Within the movement’s discourse, these positions are often framed through populist narratives about national decline and external control. This rhetoric overlaps with strands of fascist conservatism and fascist populism, and scholars frequently identify parts of the movement as belonging to the broader phenomenon of neo-fascism in contemporary Europe. Historical references to Nazism and ideological currents such as Völkisch nationalism also appear among certain factions, which emphasize ethnic identity, cultural homogeneity, and a mythologized conception of the German people.

Conspiratorial thinking is central to the movement’s worldview. Many adherents promote elaborate conspiracism, claiming that Germany is secretly governed by foreign powers, hidden corporations, or clandestine elites. These narratives have increasingly intersected with international conspiracy movements such as QAnon, particularly in online spaces where claims about secret governments, global cabals, and illegitimate authority circulate widely. Such ideas also shaped the movement’s participation in protests against public health measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to its anti-lockdown activism.

The movement’s rhetoric frequently includes xenophobic elements, including Islamophobia and antisemitism, which appear in conspiracy narratives that portray minorities or religious groups as threats to national identity. In some cases, these beliefs are explicitly tied to historical revisionism about the Nazi period or broader racialized interpretations of German history. Security agencies in Germany have repeatedly warned that these ideological patterns contribute to radicalization within parts of the movement.

Although many Reichsbürger adherents limit their activities to symbolic acts such as issuing self-styled identity documents or declaring personal “sovereign states,” authorities have documented more dangerous developments. Certain factions have stockpiled weapons, refused to recognize law enforcement, or organized armed resistance, leading investigators to classify some activities as forms of domestic terrorism. German security services, including Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, monitor the movement as part of the broader far-right extremist landscape.

Overall, the Reichsbürger movement represents a complex and decentralized phenomenon combining historical revisionism, conspiratorial ideology, and far-right nationalism. Its various factions draw on different historical models—from imperial Germany to the Holy Roman Empire—while sharing a common rejection of the legitimacy of modern democratic institutions and the constitutional order of the Federal Republic of Germany.

Greece

Main article: Metaxism

On the 4th of August 1936 with the approval of King George II of Greece, a nationalist General by the name of Ioannis Metaxas was appointed the new Prime Minister of Greece and established the 4th of August Regime, a Greek ultranationalist and anti-communist dictatorship which was supportive of Constitutional Monarchy. Some say that the regime wasn’t fully fascist but rather Authoritarian Conservative due to its disdain for Imperialism, lack of a strong, revolutionary fascist political body (like the NSDAP in Germany or the PNF in Italy) and its support towards the UK rather than the fascist nations of that time.

Hungary

WIP

Italy

Main article: Fascism

Enrico Corradini’s ideology embodied multiple political elements, each demonstrated through his writings and political activities in early 20th-century Italy. He believed in Anti-Democracy, rejecting liberal democracy and universal suffrage as weakening forces for Italy, calling instead for a strong hierarchical state. This is shown in his criticism of parliamentary systems, which he believed fostered division and inefficiency. Instead, he supported Aristocracy and Authoritarian Conservatism, favoring elite rule, particularly by those who could unify the nation under a strong, centralized government.

In terms of Classical Fascism, Corradini's influence can be seen in his push for the unity of all social classes under nationalism, rejecting the class struggle espoused by Marxists. His promotion of Socialist Corporatism sought class collaboration to serve the interests of the state. An example of this is his role in founding the Associazione Nazionalista Italiana (ANI) in 1910, a nationalist organization that advocated for state control over key industries and cooperation between workers and employers for the greater national good.

Corradini’s was sympathetic to the flamboyant nationalist Gabriele D'Annunzio, particularly during the latter's occupation of Fiume in 1919. Like D'Annunzio, Corradini supported Irredentism, advocating for Italy to annex territories with ethnic Italian populations, such as Dalmatia and the Adriatic regions. His Italian Imperialism manifested in his support for Italy’s colonization efforts in Africa, particularly the conquest of Libya in 1911, which he justified as part of Italy's destiny as a great power.

Corradini was also a proponent of Jingoism, as reflected in his fiery rhetoric calling for military action to assert Italy’s dominance, often appealing to Italy’s historical role as a successor to the Roman Empire. His ideology had aspects of Left-Wing Ultranationalism as he attempted to mobilize the working class, not through socialist internationalism, but through national unity, arguing that Italian workers had a stake in the country’s imperial and nationalist ambitions.

In line with Monarcho-Fascism, Corradini supported the monarchy as a symbol of national unity and as an institution that could co-exist within a fascist framework. His views were aligned with National Conservatism, particularly in his desire to preserve Italy’s traditional culture and values against liberal and socialist influences. He was also influenced by Paretoism, a belief in the inevitable rule of elites, and he combined this with Populism, using mass media and propaganda to mobilize the Italian people behind his vision of a powerful nation-state.

Corradini showed sympathy for Giovanni Prezzolini, who advocated for individualism and elitism in opposition to mass democratic movements. Though Corradini was more structured in his approach, his revolutionary nationalism incorporated Proto-Fascist ideas, aiming to overthrow the liberal state in favor of a new national order. His ideology of Reactionary Socialism is reflected in his attempts to merge socialist rhetoric about class cooperation with a nationalist agenda. Through his speeches and writings, Corradini promoted Revolutionary Nationalism, arguing that Italy needed a national rebirth through war, territorial expansion, and the creation of a unified, authoritarian state.

Iran

The Rastakhiz Party originally was meant to be a synthesis of Spanish and Italian Fascism, which was met with widespread opposition, which led to the Party adopting Democratic Centralism instead. The Rastakhiz Party ruled Iran from 1975 to 1978.

Japan

Main article: Showaism

In Japan, Showaism (a Japanese form of Monarcho-Fascism) popularized militarism, ultranationalism, and totalitarianism in Japan around the 1920s and 1930s. However, this Monarcho-Fascist regime came to an end in 1945 due to American occupation.

Mexico

Main article: Mexican Fascism

Montenegro

The Montenegrin Party was founded in 1923 and tried to restore the Kingdom of Montenegro. Similar to Croatia after the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia, they founded a puppet state named the Independent State of Montenegro. The Montenegrin Federalist Party invited Prince Michael of Montenegro to be its King and head of state, but he refused, claiming that he would not cooperate with Nazis.

Romania

Main article: Legionarism

WIP

Russia

Main articles: Mladorossism and Black Hundredism

Taboritskyism

Sergei Taboritsky was born in 1897 in the city of Saint Petersburg out of wedlock in a half-Jewish family. He was raised as an Orthodox Christian. In 1915, he considered his Jewish heritage to be "Cain's seal" and wanted to be recognized as a part of the "Russian Orthodox race". Following the February Revolution, Tabby became acquainted with Pyotr Shabelsky-Bork. He later fled to Germany, where he worked for an emigre newspaper "Луч Света" (Ray of Light), known for promoting anti-semitic conspiracy theories. In 1921, Tabby assaulted Alexander Guchkov with an umbrella. In 1922, Taboritsky and Bork attempted to kill Pavel Milyukov but failed, and instead killed Vladimir Nabokov's father. Tabby was sentenced to 14 years of labor, but he was released early in 1927. In 1940 Taboritsky got German Citizenship. He headed the National Organization of Russian Youth, a branch of Hitlerjugend consisting of Russian emigres. Taboritsky died in Brazil in 1980 and remained forgotten until the release of The New Order: The Last Days of Europe.

Spain

Main article: Francoism

WIP

Sweden

Lindholmism

Sven Olov Knutsson Lindholm (8 February 1903 – 26 April 1998) was a Swedish Nazi leader, active in far right politics from the 1920s to the 1950s. This included leading the Nazi party named Svensk socialistisk samling (SSS; literally "Swedish Socialist Union"); despite its name, this party was widely regarded as propagating a fascist / Nazi ideology.

Although Lindholm embraced Nazism, by 1938 he had grown critical of the German government and Hitlerism. He instead tried to take a more Sweden-focused and Anti-Capitalist route and took inspiration from Strasserism. The SSS became a more socialist party while still keeping its nazi foundation.

His political ideology during this time had an almost Marxist undertone with the struggle of the Swedish worker against the Jewish capitalist as his main focus. The workers' revolution and their freedom from the industrial machine could also be found in his writings. He favored a much more simple and agrarian life, separate from the modernity of Capitalism.

In later years, during the 1970s and 1980s, he renounced his former belief and anti-semitism, and stated he believed the Holocaust perpetrated by Nazi Germany had happened and that it was a crime. He quit the Nazi movement, and became a supporter of the political left and the peace movement.

Thailand

• Plaek Phibunsongkhram - Field Marshal Plaek "Phibun" Phibunsongkhram was a Thai military officer and politician who served as the Prime Minister of Thailand from 1938 to 1944 and 1948 to 1957. Phibun was a member of the Royal Siamese Army wing of Khana Ratsadon "People's Party", the first political party in Thailand, and a leader of the Siamese revolution of 1932, transforming Thailand from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy.

Phibun became the third Prime Minister of Thailand in 1938 as Commander of the Royal Siamese Army, established a totalitarian military dictatorship inspired by the Italian fascist Benito Mussolini, promoted Thai nationalism and sinophobia, and allied Thailand with Empire of Japan in World War II. Phibun launched a modernization campaign known as the Thai Cultural Revolution that included a series of cultural mandates such as changing the country's name from "Siam" to "Thailand", and promoting the common Thai language.

Phibun was ousted as prime minister by the National Assembly in 1944 and replaced by members of the Free Thai Movement, until returning to power through another coup d'etat in 1947. Phibun aligned Thailand with anti-communism in the Cold War and participated in the Korean War under the United Nations Command.

Phibun's second term as prime minister was plagued by political instability and was subject to several attempted coup d'etats to remove him, including the Army General Staff plot in 1948, the Palace Rebellion in 1949, and the Manhattan Rebellion in 1951. Phibun's deteriorating relationship with His Majesty Bhumibol proved to be his downfall as he was overthrown in 1957 by General Sarit Thanarat who accused him of Lèse-majesté. After his downfall, Phibun entered exile in Japan, where he died in 1964.

• Thanom Kittikachorn - Following the death of Sarit Thanarat, Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn became Prime Minister and the new military dictator of Thailand from 1963-1973. Thanom Kittikachorn's government got Thailand involved in the Vietnam War and Thailand during his tenure was the third-largest provider of ground forces to South Vietnam, following the US and South Korea. Thanom's government allowed the United States Air Force in Thailand to use its air and naval bases and at the height of the war, almost 50,000 American military personnel were stationed in Thailand.

Thanom's regime was known for massive corruption and faced multiple popular uprisings such as the communist insurgency by the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and 1970s peasant revolts in Thailand. Public discontent with Thanom's dictatorship reached its peak during the student-led 1973 Thai popular uprising that forced Thanom and his allies into exile in the US and Singapore.

In October 1976, Thanom returned to Thailand in the robes of a novice monk. Even though he announced he had no desire to re-enter politics, his return triggered student protests, which eventually moved onto the campus of Thammasat University. As this happened only a year after South Vietnam and Laos had fallen to communism, right-wing Thai citizens mistakenly suspected the protesters wished the same fate for their own country. On 6 October 1976, right-wing militants, aided by government security forces, stormed the Thammasat campus, violently broke up the protests, and killed and injured many protesters in what came to be known as the 6 October 1976 massacre.

• Rubbish Collection Organization: The Rubbish Collection Organization (RCO; Thai: องค์กรเก็บขยะแผ่นดิน; RTGS: ongkon kep khaya phaendin) is a Thai state-sponsored online ultra-royalist vigilante group that has been characterized as fascist. Headed by Rienthong Nanna, an ultra-royalist former major general, medical doctor, director of Mongkut Wattana Hospital and special advisor to the Prime Minister, it was founded during the 2013–2014 Thai political crisis, on the side of the People's Democratic Reform Committee, and as of July 2019 had 300,000 likes on its Facebook page. The RCO is organized along professional military-style lines and engages in mob activism. Its stated aim is to 'eradicate' Thailand's “social rubbish” and to “eradicate lèse-majesté offenders completely.” The RCO has adopted civic volunteerism and publicizes state-organized mass events, such as royal bicycle rallies, through social media.
• Thai Pakdee: A royalist political party, initially an organization established in 2021 by former Thai Rak Thai and Democrat Party member of the House of Representative Warong Dechgitvigrom to oppose the Kao Klai (Move Forward) party and two anti-establishment groups, the Progressive Movement and the "Three-Finger Mob". The Thai Pakdee group’s manifesto includes the safeguarding of Thailand’s three pillars of The Nation, the Religion and the Monarchy, resistance to all kinds of monopoly, support for technology, a self-sufficient economy and promotion of the “Thainess” characteristic.

Yugoslavia

Like in many other countries in Europe at the end of the 19th, a radical party was founded in Serbia. This party become more and more right-wing and finally modelled itself as "Yugoslav Radical Union" after the Italian National Fascist Party and formed an alliance with other fascist parties like Zbor.

After the defeat of Italy the monarchist Chetniks joined Germany in the war against the communists.

Beliefs and Foundations

Monarcho-Fascism believes that a monarch is necessary for a fascist society. Throughout history, it has been primarily constitutional-monarchist, through it doesn't have to be. Monarcho-Fascism can range from ceremonial to absolute monarchy. Monarcho-Fascism likes monarchies because they view them as a vital component of a country's tradition.

Personality and Behavior

He acts like Sheev Palpatine from Star Wars, trying to act better than everyone around him.

How to Draw

Flag of Monarcho-Fascism

1. Draw a ball,
2. Colour the ball purple,
3. Draw a sunset orange fasces in the centre with a yellow axe-head and binds,
4. Draw a yellow crown on top of the fasces,
5. Draw a crown on top of the ball (Gold for the crown, red for the jewels),
6. Draw the eyes and you're done!

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Purple	#4D004D	rgb(77, 0, 77)
	Sunset Orange	#E25050	rgb(226, 80, 80)
	Yellow	#FFCC00	rgb(255, 204, 0)
	Gold	#FFE101	rgb(255, 225, 1)
	Red	#C5060E	rgb(197, 6, 14)

Relationships

Friends

• Constitutional Monarchism - The constitution clearly says that sovereiginity belongs to the monarchy. I tend to work particularly well with your semi-constitutional self.
• Clerical Fascism - My favourite sibling. Rodzayevsky and Degrelle were especially based.
• Stratocracy - Well, if the monarch was the supreme commander that would be fine, I guess.
• National Conservatism - Nationalism and Conservatism? Based! As long as the monarchy is the main pillar of society and I'll being accepting towards you (but why are some of your variants r*publicans?)
• Black Hundredism - My Russian counterpart. Using paramilitaries to harass ethnic minorities, socialists, and republicans is a good idea.
• Police Statism - Yes, Please enforce these Lèse-majesté laws to teach those anti-monarchists a lesson!
• Showa Statism - Glory to Japan! Tennō Heika Banzai! Thanks for the help in World War 2!
• Ittihadism - You are the Turkish version of the guy above, I like the direction you were going.
• British Fascism - Pretty cool chaps, especially Lintorn-Orman. I still wish HM Edward VIII did away with that insolent Parliament.
• Integral Nationalism, Boulangisme - A nationalistic monarchist who is sometimes accused of being proto-fascist? Based! Just cut it out with the decentralization, ok?
• Monarcho-Capitalism - We're real tight in Thailand. One of my Russian supports said Stolypin was an early fascist and some compared the Shah to me (for some reason). Capitalism is cringe but he's usually friendly to nationalization.
• Monarcho-Socialism - If the brother above is one of the best capitalists, then you, brother, are one of the best socialists. Ikki Kita, Mladorossy and Corradini are so based.
• Mladorossism - BASED son of mine and .

Frenemies

• Fascism - My other half, keep your republican faction in check. What do you mean I prevented you from implementing the full ideology of fascism??
• Absolute Monarchism - Absolutism is based but a lot of my variants are constitutionalists, and you're sometimes against nationalism.
• Enlightened Absolutism - Peter the Great was really based.
• Conservative Liberalism - Liberalism is cringe and you are way too moderate on culture, but we do get along in Thailand. Really like this party for siding with us against the Thaksinists. Seriously, screw Abhisit for backstabbing us!
• Nazism - Important Axis partner but why do you badmouth the Hohenzollerns? It wasn't the fault of Wilhelm II that he was backstabbed by r*publican traitors.
  • But it is his fault that he could not foresee and pre-emptively get rid of (((backstabbers))).

• Francoism - Thanks for protecting Spain from r*publicans but I wish you picked a new king earlier. Besides, your eventual choice wasn't the best one.
• Reactionaryism - A based anti-liberal monarchist, but he's often against fascism, calls us "modernists," and even compares me to him sometimes.
• Reactionary Socialism - Like the guy above. I'm less friendly with him on account of his soycialism obsession, however.
• Fuentesism - Weird gay guy who wants to implement a system similar to me in the United States.
• Brazilian Integralism - Depends if he supports monarchy or not. Still one of the best Brazilian Ideologies.

Enemies

• Republicanism - DIE!!!
• Radical Democracy - YOU TOO!!!
• Anti-Fascism - Anarchism + Republicanism = DOUBLE CRINGE!
  • No, it is YOU who are cringe, aristocratic fash!

• Leninism - I won't forgive you for what you did with the Romanovs!
• Trotskyism - Thanks to that ice pick for ending this nightmare!
• Marxism–Leninism - Goddamn commies!
• Universal Monarchism - Brother, you betrayed your nation and became one of the gl*balists.
• File:IronAnarchoFrontierism.png Iron Front - Fascism and Monarchism are both good, actually. I'm glad the Nazis kicked your pathetic butts.
• Neoconservatism - You were based in the Cold War, when you protected monarchy and particularly Rama IX. But now that you're plotting with the Sam Kibs to overthrow the monarchy, you can FUCK OFF from my face!
• Third Way - Thaksin and Yingluck deserved to be removed because they violated section 112. SW Valrum also deserved it.
• Progressivism - You too! you supported the Sam Kib and those anti-monarchists to topple the monarchy, so your party deserved to be collapsed by court ruling! Quit cowering behind that skirt and fight me like a man, Thanathorn!
• Civil Libertarianism - Abolish Lèse-majesté laws? Sure, if the laws were not utilized for a long period of time, which was when no one dared to insult the monarchy!
• Jacobinism - Proof that republicans are backwards and barbaric!
• Tridemism - Another proof that republicans are very bad! You overthrew the monarchy and made China a warlord state! You also defeated my Japanese variant along with their allies.
• Khomeinism - If the Shah actually adopted my model, as some of your Western sympathizers claim, you would have never stood a chance against him.

Further Information

Literature

満州国の遺産Manzhouguo: The True Story of a Short-lived, Ideal State in Manchuria By Huang Wenxiong

Videos

• Sergey Taboritsky: Something Something H O L Y R U S S I A by Spartan761 - History

Articles

• New Social Media and Politics in Thailand: The Emergence of Fascist Vigilante Groups on Facebook
• Enrico Corradini's Italian nationalism: the ‘right wing’ of the fascist synthesis

Online Communities

• Rubbish Collection Organization (Thailand)
• Thai Neo-Royalist
• Thai Move Institute

Gallery

• 
  Credit: TheLegend2T, Source
• Original image
  Original image