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*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2009/01/gentle-introduction-to-unqualified A Gentle Introduction to Unqualified Reservations] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2009/01/gentle-introduction-to-unqualified A Gentle Introduction to Unqualified Reservations] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2010/02/from-mises-to-carlyle-my-sick-journey Moldbug on Carlyle] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2010/02/from-mises-to-carlyle-my-sick-journey Moldbug on Carlyle] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2008/11/patchwork-positive-vision-part-1/ Patchwork: A Political System for the 21st Century] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2008/11/patchwork-positive-vision-part-1/ Ultramunicipialism: A Political System for the 21st Century] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2007/09/how-dawkins-got-pwned-part-1/ How Dawkins Got Pwned] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2007/09/how-dawkins-got-pwned-part-1/ How Dawkins Got Pwned] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2007/04/formalist-manifesto-originally-posted/ A Formalist Manifesto] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]
*[https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2007/04/formalist-manifesto-originally-posted/ A Formalist Manifesto] by [[File:Curtis Yarvin.png]] [[Neocameralism|Curtis Yarvin]]

Revision as of 15:57, 29 June 2026

"Was royalism a perfect system? It was not. But if we imagine a world in which the revolutions and civil wars of the last four centuries had never happened, it is hard not to imagine that world as happier, wealthier, freer, more civilized and more pleasant."

Neoreactionaryism, also known as Dark Enlightenment (shortened to: NRx and DE respectively) is a broadly Reactionary, economically and culturally right to far-right and civically varied (but prominently File:Post-Bert.png Post-Libertarian) ideology, however, some (such as Joshua Tait) say that NRx (Mencius Moldbug) is reactionary only in regards of politics, while maintaining positions usually described as socially progressive.[14] NRx originates from the writing of a couple right-wing bloggers from the mid 2000's.

Neoreactionaryism opposes Democracy, Egalitarianism and the idea that the progress of history leads to liberty and enlightenment and the abolition of absolutism in favor of democracy and/or constitutional monarchy, considering itself the antithesis of File:Enlightenment.png Enlightenment Thought. It is in favor of the re-adoption of systems of governance such as Absolute Monarchy and Cameralism or other systems such as File:Neocam.png Neocameralism.

NRx is often associated with "File:ScientificRacism.png Race-Realism", but despite what mainstream sources make an impression of, this is not included in the theory and may be confused on first glance because of risky wording. (see Hyper Racism).

NRx has also been described as Neo-Fascist by journalists and commentators[15][16], and is seen as a major influence on the modern Alt-Right movement. However NRx Theorists typically denounce the Alt-Right and Fascism[17]

History

Neoreactionaryism (NRx), also known as the "New Reaction" and File:Dark Enlightenment.png Dark Enlightenmentis, a political and intellectual movement that emerged in the early 2000s as a response against liberal and democratic norms of modern society. NRx advocates a return to traditional forms of authority, hierarchy, and social organization, rejecting ideals such as equality, mass democracy, and progressive reforms.

The origins of neoreactionary thought can be traced to early internet forums and blogs where groups of thinkers and technocrats began criticizing contemporary democratic systems for what they saw as social decay, cultural decline, and economic inefficiency. Key figures in the movement include authors such as File:NickLand.png Nick Land, File:Curtis Yarvin.png Curtis "Mencius Moldbug" Yarvin, and philosopher Michael Anissimov.

NRx ideology combines elements of conservatism, File:TechDeterm.png technological determinism, and dystopian skepticism. Its proponents call for File:Elitism.png strengthening elite governance, restricting voting rights, restoring monarchical or corporatocratic forms of rule, and enhancing social discipline. They often appeal to ideas of File:Darwinist.png social evolution and biological differences among groups of people.

Neoreactionaries criticize modern liberal societies for excessive democratization, which they argue leads to File:Liberal Democracy.png political instability, corruption, and social fragmentation. Instead, NRx promotes a "managed society" where power is concentrated in the hands of competent and vetted elites who can maintain order and stability.

The movement has attracted controversy and criticism due to its positions on File:Hierarchy.png hierarchy, File:Economy.png economy, File:Race.png race, File:Sexism icon.png gender differences, and skepticism towards File:HumanRights.png modern human rights and democratic institutions. Nevertheless, it has influenced certain conservative and tech circles and spawned a variety of forums and publications dedicated to exploring alternative governance and social models.


Curtis Yarvin, better known by his pen name Mencius Moldbug, was born in 1973 and rose to prominence in the late 2000s through his blog Unqualified Reservations, where he articulated a radical critique of modern liberal democracy and proposed an alternative vision of governance rooted in hierarchy, competence, and historical precedent. Trained as a computer programmer and software engineer, Yarvin’s technical background profoundly shaped his political thought. He frequently uses metaphors drawn from software design, modularity, and systems architecture to explain how governments can be restructured for efficiency, stability, and predictability. His work reflects a synthesis of historical analysis, political philosophy, and economic theory, which together frame his critique of contemporary institutions as inherently fragile and inefficient.

In his early writings, often referred to as the “UR Moldbug Era,” Yarvin drew heavily on Austrian School economics, emphasizing the importance of market mechanisms and the dangers of centralized bureaucratic intervention that ignores human incentives. Thinkers like James Burnham influenced his perception of society as hierarchically organized, where elites naturally accrue power and responsibility. This lens justified his anti-democratic stance, arguing that democratic institutions often devolve into oligarchic factionalism, inefficiency, and instability. File:Fishe.pngHobbesian philosophy further reinforced his view that strong centralized authority is necessary to prevent social disorder, and he frequently applied historical examples of successful monarchies and empires to support his claims. For instance, his admiration for File:FredricktheGreat.pngFrederick the Great and File:Junger.pngErnst Junger demonstrates a preference for competent leadership as a stabilizing force, while his embrace of Carlylean heroism emphasizes the transformative role of exceptional individuals in shaping political outcomes.

Yarvin also integrates File:Neocam.pngneocameralism, a model that treats the state as a joint-stock corporation where governance is akin to corporate management. This concept reflects both his software-informed rationalism and his critique of diffuse democratic authority, proposing that states function most efficiently when leadership is accountable, concentrated, and incentivized. In parallel, his engagement with File:Pareto.pngParetoism and elite theory frames leadership as naturally stratified, suggesting that attempts at enforced equality or broad-based participation often undermine societal productivity. File:Unix.pngUnix philosophy from programming guides his preference for modular, transparent, and predictable governance structures. Even his brief sympathies with File:Hoppef.pngHoppean thought and online figures like File:Yiannopoulos.pngYiannopoulos illustrate an ongoing concern with critiquing egalitarian ideologies that, in his view, weaken social cohesion.

In the so-called “GM Moldbug Era,” Yarvin’s thought evolves further toward explicit endorsement of absolute monarchism and autocracy, where he advocates for strong, centralized power as a solution to the inefficiencies and factionalism of contemporary liberal democracies. He proposes File:Emon.pngelective monarchism as a hybrid solution: allowing some form of choice while retaining the efficiency and accountability of hierarchical authority. Economically, he supports authoritarian capitalism and state capitalism, arguing that markets function best when overseen by competent central authorities. File:Merc.pngMercantilist policies are highlighted as historically effective in consolidating resources and ensuring national stability, showing his reliance on historical precedent to justify modern institutional design. Even his engagement with contemporary politics, such as pragmatic support for Bidenism or sympathy toward Bukeleism, reflects his consistent prioritization of executive competence and institutional stability over ideological purity.

Yarvin’s worldview extends beyond governance and economics into social and cultural critiques. He is critical of liberal egalitarianism, which he believes encourages short-term populism over long-term structural planning. While his writings have drawn accusations of Alt-Right sympathies, Yarvin situates his work within a framework of historical and institutional analysis rather than overt identity politics. He emphasizes meritocratic selection of leaders, bureaucratic efficiency, and the integration of technological metaphors in political theory to demonstrate how modern societies could avoid the “catastrophic instability” inherent in pluralist democratic systems. He also integrates nuanced critiques of contemporary culture and governance, touching on state decentralization, bureaucratic inefficiency, and the dangers of incentivizing political actors through populist feedback loops rather than competence.

Throughout his career, Yarvin has demonstrated a consistent pattern: he draws on historical examples, economic theory, philosophical traditions, and technical analogies to argue for governance systems that prioritize efficiency, hierarchical competence, and institutional durability. His anti-democratic stance is not merely reactionary; it is rooted in a belief that contemporary liberal democracy systematically fails to produce competent, accountable leadership. By combining insights from Hobbesian theory, Burnhamite analysis, Pareto elite theory, neocameralism, and software modularity, Yarvin presents a comprehensive framework for thinking about modern governance in terms of stability, predictability, and the preservation of social order.

In sum, Curtis Yarvin represents a unique strand of contemporary political thought, bridging the worlds of technology, history, and political theory. His writings synthesize centuries of philosophical, economic, and historical knowledge to critique liberal democracy and propose alternatives rooted in hierarchy, meritocracy, and centralized authority. Whether through his discussion of autocracy, elective monarchy, authoritarian capitalism, state corporatism, neocameral governance, or technocratic oversight, Yarvin remains a singular voice arguing that competence, rather than popular consent, should be the defining criterion for political authority in the modern era.

Peter Thiel is an American entrepreneur, venture capitalist, and political thinker whose career and ideology have profoundly influenced Silicon Valley, global finance, and conservative intellectual circles. Born in 1967, Thiel co-founded PayPal, was an early investor in Facebook, and has guided numerous tech companies as a venture capitalist through his firm, Founders Fund. His ideological positions are inseparable from his business practices, reflecting a consistent interplay of technological optimism, contrarianism, and politically charged conservatism.

Thiel’s economic thought is grounded in Authoritarian Capitalism and File:MegaCorp.pngMega Corporatocracy, with a focus on creating dominant enterprises that leverage technological control to shape markets and society. He has repeatedly advocated for monopolistic or quasi-monopolistic structures in tech, arguing that "competition is for losers"—a statement that captures his philosophy of concentrated power and elite-driven innovation. This links directly to File:Hmind cap.pngHive-Mind Capitalism, in which network effects, proprietary data, and control over platforms create a feedback loop of economic and social influence. Companies like Palantir, where Thiel has been a major backer, exemplify this approach: leveraging data analytics for both government and corporate clients, merging commercial success with geopolitical reach.

Thiel’s stance on governance and democracy is deeply contrarian. His support for Anti-Democracy, File:Postlibr.pngPost-Liberalism, and Reactionary Modernism reflects a skepticism toward mass governance, which he sees as inherently inefficient at cultivating innovation and protecting elites. This was most explicitly displayed in his backing of seasteading initiatives and long-term futurist projects, where he advocates experimenting with new governance models detached from conventional democratic constraints. Thiel’s File:RightStateLib.pngRight-State Liberalism and File:Moder Neocon.pngSoft Neoconservatism are evident in his political interventions: from his support for Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign to his funding of candidates and think tanks promoting technocratic and nationalist agendas. He has described political correctness and multiculturalism as threats to free and efficient decision-making, tying into his positions of Anti-Globalism and Anti-Multiculturalism.

A critical axis of Thiel’s thought is his engagement with transhumanism—both Capitalist and File:Contrans.pngConservative. He has personally invested in life-extension technologies, biotech startups, and AI, promoting a vision where technological progress allows select individuals or societies to transcend biological and social limitations. This overlaps with his broader Post-Humanism philosophy: a belief in the transformative potential of humans merging with technology to achieve new capabilities, often detached from egalitarian considerations. Projects like the Thiel Fellowship, which encourages young entrepreneurs to leave college and pursue transformative technologies, demonstrate this in practice.

Thiel’s ideological positions on culture, religion, and social norms are equally consistent and provocative. He has expressed Anti-Feminism and Homoconservatism, criticizing modern social movements and advocating for a meritocratic elite that operates independently of contemporary identity politics. Though accusations of supporting Apartheid or racial segregation have circulated, Thiel has denied any endorsement of such policies; however, his general embrace of National Conservatism and National Capitalism reflects a preference for social hierarchies and selective economic inclusion. His Anti-Communism, Anti-Dengism, and File:Right-AnEn.pngClimate Skepticism are also evident in both his investments and public statements, supporting ventures that reject state-led economic planning or regulatory intervention in favor of private, profit-driven experimentation.

Philosophically, Thiel draws from File:Obj.pngObjectivism, File:Strauss.pngStraussianism, and libertarian thought, selectively merging them to justify elite governance, concentrated capital, and radical technological projects. He frequently positions himself as a contrarian intellectual, explicitly aligning with thinkers like File:Reagan.pngRonald Reagan, File:RonPaul.pngRon Paul, and, more recently, conservative figures such as File:Trump-MAGA-icon.pngDonald Trump and File:Vance.pngJ.D. Vance. Thiel’s self-identification with File:PostConbert.pngLibertarian Conservatism and File:ModNeobert.pngSoft Neo-Libertarianism reflects this hybrid approach: advocating minimal government interference in economic affairs while simultaneously supporting selective state action to secure elite advantages.

Thiel’s actions—financially, politically, and technologically—demonstrate a consistent application of his ideological framework. From his early PayPal strategies that prioritized monopolistic dominance, to Palantir’s government contracts, to his politically charged philanthropy, Thiel operationalizes a worldview in which technological mastery, elite governance, and contrarian social positioning converge. His thought exemplifies the tension between radical innovation and social hierarchy, merging entrepreneurial risk-taking with strategic cultural and political interventions. Through this lens, Thiel is less an abstract theorist than a practical executor of File:PostPaleocon.pngPost-Paleoconservative, Authoritarian, and Technocapitalist principles, making his career a living case study in the application of ideology to both commerce and statecraft.

Beliefs

The Neoreactionary movement's ideological foundations consist of multiple ideas that are discussed between the NRx movement's members but may or may not be shared between them.

These include but are not limited to:

File:Post-Bert.png Post-Libertarianism

Post-Libertarianism is a school of thought stemming from Libertarianism, born out of the need to rectify its contradictions, this is done through a rejection of dogmatic opposition to any government intervention beyond the bare minimum, and instead embracing a more pragmatic approach, in favor of a more proactive government for the sake of maintaining individual liberty, and while this doesn't entail authoritarianism, it's enough for Post-Libertarianism to effectively become dealigned from Libertarianism. While not being libertarian, post-libertarianism still maintains a lot of libertarian ideas such as an affinity towards free markets, skepticism towards state control of information and anti-interventionism.

File:Formal.png Formalism

Formalism is the belief that actual power and recognised power (especially in the form of ownership) should align as closely as possible. The belief in formalism makes the Neoreactionary movement especially skeptical of democratic forms of government, favouring forms of government based on ownership.

Royalism

It is the general belief that absolutist systems of governance work best, specifically when the line of succession is clear (which coincides with Moldbug's criticism of dictatorship).
Royalists don't favor a particular mode of succession; some favoring something akin to an elective monarchy (see File:Neocam.png Neocameralism below) while others favor hereditary monarchism, and such; and is less so an indication of a particular view on the de jure process of monarchies than it is an indication of support for the de facto 'virtue' of monarchism (stability and order, which NRx's generally associate with "right-wing" politics and liberty in general).[2]

Neocameralism is a form of government proposed by Mencius Moldbug and developed by others as a replacement for representative democracy. Neocameralism is a form of government organised around the profit incentive. As such the Neocameralist system is a system of nigh-absolute rule in which the Monarch-C.E.O. (which Moldbug calls a Delegate, based on the corporate title used by colonial-era Quakers) is accountable to a group of shareholders.

File:Reservation.png Reservationism

Reservationism is an epistemology proposed by Moldbug to promote an use of reason which is neither reducing or transcending it. It aims to counter "automatisms", tendencies for people to follow one or more overly specific cases of reason and apply them to everything subconsciously, and wrongly so. The most common types identified are:

  • Popularists, who assume that reason stems from how fashionable ideas are, the most common being the truest. They tend to support democracy and populism. They are considered to be the most annoying.
  • Literalists, who claim that reason originates from how immemorial ideas are, the most ancient being the truest. They tend to support File:Theocrat.png fundamentalism and traditionalism. They are considered to be the most stupid.
  • Algorithmists, who posit that reason comes from how mathematizable ideas are, the most formulaic being the truest. They tend to support scientific policy and algocracy. They are considered to be the most pernicious.
  • Officialists, who state that reason comes from how official ideas are, the most propagandized being the truest. They tend to support state media and censorship. They are considered to be the most dangerous.

As said above, NRxers notice that people can often follow several automatisms at once, depending on the social context they live in. For example, someone living in a deeply religious uniform community is likely to be both a popularist and a literalist, assuming that the overwhelmingly widespread, perennial beliefs around them are true, or alternatively, a person existing within a highly technical and partisan city is predisposed to follow simultaneously algorithmist and officialist ideas at once, convinced of the virtue of governmental experts in their procedures. Moldbug affirms that all combinations can and do exist in the world, with varying degrees of repartition and intensity.

Neoreactionary Neologisms

The Neoreactionary movement came up with a lot of neologisms to describe various concepts. Neologisms are perhaps the most influential thing to come out of the movement, appearing in political discourse outside of the movement.

These Neologisms include:

The Cathedral

The Cathedral, within the context of Neo-Reactionary discourse, is a term used to refer to a society's intellectual elite meaning a class of people who are able to decide what the average person thinks is true or false, right or wrong and important or unimportant.

Historically this role was fulfilled by religious institutions hence the usage of the term "cathedral", this is intentionally contrasted with the institutions that fulfill the role of the cathedral in the modern age that being Schools, Universities, the Media and the Entertainment industry who largely market themselves as "Secular". It is worth noting that the Cathedral (in it's modern incarnation) is not a formal institution that people belong to, but rather an informal network of leaders of the before-aforementioned institutions that happen to agree on most important matters (Harvard, The New York Times, Disney and The Guardian rarely disagree for example)

Pills

  • File:Redpill.png Redpill - Within the context of Neoreactionary discourse File:Redpill.png "Redpill" is any realisation or experience that disconnects an individual from the established cathedral. The term is a reference to the popular film trilogy The Matrix.

The concept of the Redpill is THE most influential term to come out of the NRx movement, being practically ubiqutous within political discourse on both the left, right, centre and beyond. The term "Redpill" spawned many off-shoots generally named after the specific realisation the redpill provides (including terms Blackpill (Pessimism), File:Whitepill.png Whitepill (Optimism), Greenpill (parnamormalism) and more) and also the combination with the term "Based" forming "Based and Redpilled". The various pills have also expanded into apolitical contexts, especially on dating (example of dating-specific pills being the Purplepill) and fitness (example of a fitness-specific pills including the Onionpill).

A variation on the term "Redpill" to have actually come out of the NRx movement is the term Clearpill which is the concept that the best way to come out to political conclusions is to separate yourself from current political factions you have an emotional attachment to and think about policies and systems in an outside context.

The Iron Polygon

The Iron Polygon is an extension of the concept of the Iron Triangle. The concept of the "Iron Polygon" is a neoreactionary idea that describes a system of interlocking societal institutions that mutually reinforce each other to maintain the status quo of a particular political order. According to Neo-Reactionary thought, the Iron Polygon consists of three main institutions: the Cathedral, the Corporate-Managerial Complex, and the Military-Industrial Complex.

    • The Cathedral refers to the institutionalized power of the mainstream media, academia, and the government bureaucracy, which Neo-Reactionaries see as an interconnected network that perpetuates a progressive and egalitarian ideology. The Cathedral's power is derived from its ability to control the flow of information and shape public opinion.
    • The Corporate-Managerial Complex is the second institution in the Iron Polygon, and it includes large corporations, the financial sector, and the managerial class. The neoreactionaries view this complex as an essential component of the Iron Polygon since it helps maintain the dominant political order by providing resources, expertise, and access to power.
    • The Military-Industrial Complex is the third institution in the Iron Polygon. It includes the military, defense contractors, and the intelligence agencies. According to the neoreactionaries, the Military-Industrial Complex provides the necessary force to maintain the political order and protect the interests of the ruling elite.

Together, these three institutions form the Iron Polygon, which the neoreactionaries believe is a self-reinforcing system that is resistant to change or reform. The Iron Polygon ensures that power remains in the hands of the ruling elite and perpetuates a system of governance that the neoreactionaries believe is efficient, stable, and just.

Red and Blue Empire

Also called the Red and Blue Governments - The concepts of the Red and Blue Empires/Governments, clipped to RedGov and BlueGov is a specific power analysis of U.S. politics, it's the notion that the United States is not under the control of a single government, but rather of two each with their own internal and foreign policies.

Those two Empires, being the Military and Police-based Red Empire represented in the U.S. congress by the File:RepubUS.png Republican Party, and the Blue Empire based around every other part of the iron polygon represented by the File:Demcr.png Democratic Party.

The triangle represents many things to Neo-Reactionaries in terms of political theory, namely, Spandrell’s triangle (the trichotomy), modern division of power within republican states, and contemporary political theory.

The Trichotomy[18]

The trichotomy, inspired partly on the "three estates of the realm" which existed during the Middle Ages, shows the 3 poles of Neo-Reactionaryism: The techno-capitalists, ethno-nationalists, and theonomists/traditionalists. These, as the three estates did, are supposed to balance each other.

The techno-capitalists, the libertarian-esque branch of Neo-Reactionary thought, is supposed to protect the liberty of individuals, the ethno-nationalists, populist-oriented, are meant to protect the nation where these individuals coexist, and the theonomists File:Theocrat.png are meant to guide and order that nation toward a higher moral and metaphysical aim. Each estate has its own hierarchy, but they nonetheless overlap.

Republican division of power

Modern republicanism is based on the division of power within government, and this has, in most republican states, resulted in the creation of three powers. It is here that Neo-Reactionaries see resemblance, once again, with the three estates.

The judicial system is identified as the theocratic branch of the government, "consulting their ancient texts, intoning solemnly to convey the weight of their holy power as they decide what is moral and right for the Nobles and Commoners" as Nick Land puts it. The executive branch is more closely related to the nobility, or capitalists in modern western nations. Lastly, the congress is meant to represent the third estate, and is thus identified by it.

Political theory

File:Triangular-model.jpg
The political triangle.

This political model is also used by Nick Land to explain contemporary politics, where the first state (the "Theocrats", which order society toward moral aims, toward "utopia") have descended into what they call "the Cathedral"; which N. Land considers "hyper-calvinist", identified as the left of the triangular model. Thereby, the left is unipolar and converges to a single point; while the right (identified by N. Land as realism, as opposed to utopia) diverges into two points, it is bipolar, divided between individualists; the nobility or capitalists; and collectivists; the working class and nationalists.[19]

Unprincipled Exception

An unprincipled exception is a policy that violates some absolute principle of ethics held by the policymaker, but is not openly acknowledged as such a violation.

Types of Societies

Moldbug states that there are 3 types of Societies according to their relationship between opinion and authority:

  • Type 1: The Loyal Society is one where public opinion is a matter of state security, thoughts are categorised in two: bad thoughts that are dangerous to the safety of the state and good thoughts that are useful for the state, people are punished for expressing bad thoughts or rewarded for expressing good or ideally both, the state supports a set of official information organs which uses to install good thoughts and prevent and/or prohibit the spreading of bad thoughts into the population.
  • Type 2: The Society of Consensus is a society in which the press and media controls the authority, its hallmark is the phenomenon of spontaneous coordination which consists in producing an official information system which in all other respects resembles that of a type 1 society but which is not responsible to any central authority or institution.
  • Type 3: The Open Society is a society where is a free market of divergent ideas and institutions competing which ones are closer to reality. If such a society functions properly, it should eventually decide this issue and become either of the other two types.

Variants

File:House.png Mr. Houseism

Robert House (commonly referred to in fan discourse as Mr. House) is a central figure in the video game Fallout: New Vegas (2010), created by Obsidian Entertainment. Born in 2073 in the pre-war United States, House was a prodigious entrepreneur and technological innovator, whose career spanned finance, real estate, and computing. He founded the New Vegas Strip and survived the nuclear apocalypse in a self-maintained cryogenic state, emerging as a near-immortal overseer of Las Vegas. His life story reflects a blend of File:Enlightenment.pngEnlightenment thought, emphasizing rational planning and progress, and capitalist transhumanism, seeking technological means to extend life and maximize human potential.

House’s political philosophy is centered on authoritarian capitalism. He rejects democratic governance, favoring a technocratic autocracy in which his own intelligence and foresight direct economic and social order. His model is a corporatocratic one, combining private enterprise with centralized control over critical infrastructure, reflecting a pragmatic approach to stability and efficiency. He implements a File:Urb.pngpatchwork governance model, integrating disparate communities under a unified economic and social framework while retaining local autonomy where strategically advantageous. This mirrors aspects of File:Landian Accelerationism.pngLandian accelerationism, as House leverages rapid technological and infrastructural development to accelerate societal evolution under his oversight.

Ethically and socially, House is influenced by File:Obj.pngObjectivism, prioritizing rational self-interest and meritocratic principles over egalitarian or collectivist ideologies. He views human nature as fundamentally competitive but improvable through technology and organization. This perspective informs his File:Pragmat.pngpragmatism, as he is willing to make morally complex decisions to ensure the long-term survival and prosperity of New Vegas. His stance on social issues aligns with abolitionism in the sense of rejecting coercive, outdated hierarchies and allowing individuals freedom within the constraints of his structured, controlled environment.

House’s historical narrative within the Fallout universe demonstrates how foresight, technological mastery, and strategic pragmatism can create enduring socio-economic systems. His legacy is emblematic of a synthesis between pre-war Enlightenment ideals and post-apocalyptic realities, showing how centralized authority, technological enhancement, and rational planning can coexist in a capitalist, merit-based society. His rule illustrates the tensions between autonomy and control, freedom and order, and highlights the possibilities—and ethical challenges—of a society guided by a singular, highly capable mind.

Personality

NRx isn't an outspoken person and will generally prefer to hang out on the internet. He does not generally have a positive attitude towards things and can be portrayed as rather apathetic.

How to Draw

File:Nrx flag.svg
Flag of Neoreactionaryism
  1. Draw a black ball with eyes.
  2. Draw a gold Trinity Knot.
  3. Draw a circle around it.
  4. Above and Below the circle draw 2 lines of increasing length from it.

Relationships

Partners

    • Oh, my God, you are just a variant of the cathedral, so... I'm supporting the cathedral, what am I doing...

Outer Party

Inner Party

The Cathedral

  • File:Puritan.png Puritan Theocracy - “My belief is that Professor Dawkins is not just a Christian atheist. He is a Protestant atheist. And he is not just a Protestant atheist. He is a Calvinist atheist. And he is not just a Calvinist atheist. He is an Anglo-Calvinist atheist. In other words, he can be also be described as a Puritan atheist, a Dissenter atheist, a Nonconformist atheist, an Evangelical atheist, etc., etc.”
  • Progressivism - The religion of the cathedral.
  • Socialism - The brain of the cathedral.
  • Mediacracy - The voice of the cathedral
  • Catholic Theocracy - Literally lives in a cathedral.
  • State Liberalism -The Cathedral! Wait, you like radical technological progress and Corporatocracy ,free market, which is actually not that bad.
  • File:SkateholderDeng.png Zhu Min - You idiots ruined China. China has now become a country under Schwab's control.I hate you so much.

Further Information

Literature

By Moldbug

By Land

By Others

Articles

Wikipedia

Websites

Videos

Channels

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References