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"The economy is never truly free: it is either controlled by the state for the benefit of the people, or controlled by large corporations to the detriment of the people."

Where there is a need, a right is born

Peronism or justicialism is a third positionist and authoritarian unity political ideology that was created by File:JuanPeron.png Juan Domingo Perón, three times president of File:Argentina.png Argentina. It's has taken ideas from multiple ideologies such as fascism, social democracy, File:CathSocial.png catholic social teaching, nationalism, File:CathDem.png catholic democracy and argentine radicalism. It's seeks to establish a corporatist, welfarist, environmentalist, protectionist, industrialist, File:SyndieSam.png syndicalist and labourist, anti-communist and anti-capitalist, culturally File:Progconf.png pragmatic and authoritarian socioeconomic system of a File:ChristNat.png christian nationalist character, with it's main goals being File:Socjust.png social justice, File:Economy.png economic independence and political sovereignty.

Peronism has always been very divided: some branches are more progressivism or conservative, more File:Leftunity.png leftist or more File:Rightunity-yellow.png rightist.

File:Historian.png History

Proto-Peronism

File:Peron.2.jpg
Supporters of Perón on 17 October 1945 on the Plaza de Mayo

In the late 1930s, File:Nacionalismo.png "nacionalistas" groups gained strength, some of which were oriented towards the idea of the corporative state model of European fascism, propagated File:Socjust.png social justice ("justicia social") and found strong approval among the members of the urban industrial proletariat. In the spirit of this political current, which advocated a third way between capitalism and socialism, the nationalist military of the File:Nacionalismo.png Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) staged a coup named "Revolution of '43" against the ruling regime of Ramón Castillo; the last of the de facto presidents of the "Década Infame" (Infamous Decade). File:JuanPeron.png Juan Domingo Perón, accompanying Arturo Rawson, Pedro Ramírez and Edelmiro Farrell, participated in this coup as a junior officer.

With the alliance between the socialist and revolutionary union currents (represented by File:LeftPeronism.png Juan Atilio Bramuglia File:Synd.png, File:LeftPeronism.png Ángel Borlenghi File:Synd.png and File:RevSynd.png Luis Gay) and Perón (together with Colonel Domingo Mercante), already established, a profound reform was developed in terms of labor rights, collective labor agreements and social security. Perón would lead the Department of Labor, which would soon be elevated to the Ministry of Labor and Welfare, repealing anti-union decrees and establishing policies to "dignify work". The Peronist welfare state was soon conceived and the unions were strengthened, causing immediate opposition from business sectors and the conservative wing of the military government that would later condense into anti-Peronism. The Argentine economy, that was deeply affected since the Great Depression of 1929, recovered and underwent rapid industrialization through File:EconNat.png import-substitution, enjoying large internal migrations from the rural interior to the urban periphery. The quality of life grew, and the working class expanded, giving birth to a nationalist-laborist current of File:Synd.png syndicalism within the unified File:CGT.png 'Confederación General del Trabajo'" (CGT) (General Confederation of Labor) that rejected File:Cball-USSR.png Soviet communism and laid the foundations of Peronism.

In this period, prior to the 1946 elections, the conflict of File:Internation.png Spruille Braden with Perón and Hortensio Quijano (candidate for vice president) would be unraveled. Braden, as the United States ambassador in Argentina, developed a great rivalry with Perón that would lead him to be used as the face of American imperialism.

Perón's first term (1946 to 1952)

The popularity of Perón, who had risen to vice president, was soon perceived as a threat by the most conservative sectors of the military government. Edelmiro Farrell and Eduardo Ávalos forced him to resign and he and File:Evita.png Eva Perón, his wife, were finally arrested in 1945 in the Martín García Island. On October 17 of the same year (a date considered the birth of Peronism and also know as the "Día de la Lealtad", or Day of Loyalty), he returned to office under massive pressure from his followers, whom initiated spontaneous strikes and mass rallies in his support. At this insistance, democratic elections were held in February 1946, in which Perón, as a candidate of the "Partido Laborista" (Labourist Party, led by File:RevSynd.png Luis Gay), was elected president by a large majority. After the elections, the Labourist Party would be dissolved and Peronism would be divided into the Peronist Party, the File:FemPron.png Female Peronist Party (led by Eva Perón) and the File:SyndPron.png syndicalist Peronism concentrated in the CGT; thus beginning the first of Peron's terms.

Through the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and social reforms that contributed to achieving high social and economic indicators – condensed in the File:Industrial.png Primer Plan Quinquenal (First Five-Year Plan), an industrialist File:Dirigisme.png state-planning program that sought to guarantee the economic independence of Argentina –, Perón secured broad popular support, ensuring that the remuneration of labor exceeded that of capital and increasing the presence of union delegates in the workplace. This period would be headed by the "Wizard of Peronist finance" File:MiguelMiranda.png Miguel Miranda, that implemented policies such as the nationalization of the File:Central bank.png Central Bank and the creation of public companies, File:Tariff.png import tariffs, the founding of the File:EconStat.png IAPI (Argentina Institute for Promotion of Exchange) as a state monopoly of foreign trade to strengthen the industry with resources from the agricultural sector, and a general increase in wages and public employment, to achieve full employment and promote domestic industry. This policy plan would result in a modest growth in industrial GDP.

Then, as a consequence of the growth of the Peronist movement and union demands, a File:Constitution.png Constitutional Reform would be carried out to modernize the Argentine Constitution and incorporate File:HumanRights.png second-generation human rights File:Synd.png), also describing the File:Soccap.png social function of private property (subject to the common good) and economic interventionism as fundamental.

The economic and social prosperity experimented at the moment, however, began to wane in the wake of a phase of economic weakness initiated in 1949 and continued in the begginings of the 50's, with the ending of the postwar trade surplus. Faced with this productive slowdown, Perón attempted to reapproach to the United States and modified his economic plan to reverse the high fiscal deficit (largely as a result of growing public spending and monetary emission) and stagnation. At the end of 1951, with a drought and a drop in agricultural prices, a more orthodox economic team formed by File:ModFiscon.png Alfredo Gómez Morales and File:ChristDemHum.png Antonio Cafiero set out to rethink its strategies to face the inevitable crisis that was brewing to explode around 1952 – one that until that moment had hit the country with an enormous decline in real wages and record inflation –. Then, Perón brought forward the elections from 1952 to November 1951, achieving re-election by a landside with File:Evita.png Eva Perón as vice president (thanks to the support of File:SyndPron.png syndicates) and beginning his second term on June 1952, with a high tension between peronists and anti-peronists. Before taking office, Perón announces to the country the File:Fiscon.png "Plan de Emergencia Económica" (Emergency Economic Plan), a mixed austerity plan that incorporated File:Neoclassical.png orthodox-liberal economic measures with File:SyndieSam.png syndicalist ones.

Perón's second term (1952-1955)

In 1952, the plan is put into action and there is a sharp narrowing in public spending, reducing mainly the public works sector. Attached to this, and consequently, the fiscal deficit is considerably decreased; state loans are limited and, as part of his strategy, Perón agrees to an increase in wages and freezes them for two years, promoting saving and production among workers and discouraging consumption. Private investment is also fomented and foreign capital is attracted, allowing the establishment of multinational companies. This would be the same year in which File:Evita.png Evita would die, on July 26.

In 1953, the measures of the "Plan de Emergencia Económica" were expanded and formalized with the File:Industrial.png "Segundo Plan Quinquenal" (Second Five-Year Plan), which maintained the orthodox measures but accompanied them with some File:RegCap.png interventionist ones, such as a price agreement, a tenacious opposition to speculators and government incentives for the development of the agricultural sector. The stabilization plan began to bear fruit and objectives such as lowering inflation were quickly achieved.

Real wages, however, never increased, and multiple sectors of the economy were affected, earning Perón multiple labor strikes and an increasingly strained relationship with the militar opposition, which responded violently to the disappearances of oppositors of the government and the devotion that began to take shape around the figure of Perón and his wife, which used to be manifestated through acts commonly denoted as File:Cultofpersonality.png "social indoctrination techniques". These signs of wanting to "Peronize" society (forcing public employees to join the PJ, establishing the reading of books such as La razón de mi vida as mandatory in schools and provincializing la Pampa and Chaco as "Provincia Eva Perón" and "Provincia Presidente Perón", etc) would lead to terrorist acts by anti-Peronists such as the Plaza de Mayo Attack on April 15, 1953; to which Peronist civil groups would respond by burning the headquarters of opposition political parties.

One of the most notable events during this period would also be Perón's break with Catholicism and the separation of church and state, adopting the law of divorce and the secularization of schools in 1954.

Overthrow, Peronist Resistance (1955-1973) and split in the movement

File:Peron.3.jpg
Violent protests by left-wing, Peronist students in Rosario in 1969 against the banning of the PJ.

Finally, in 1955, the civic-military dictatorship self-proclaimed File:StratoDictature-Antifurry.png "Revolución Libertadora" (Liberating Revolution), headed by generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu, overthrew Perón on September 16, 1955; after a failed attempt on June 16, 1955, where a group of designated soldiers bombed the Casa Rosada and the Plaza de Mayo in hopes of killing Perón, killing 308 civilians in the attempt. This cicle is marked by a policy of "de-peronization" of society attached to events such as the kidnapping of Evita's corpse and the proscription of Peronism in Lonardi's government; in addition to the Levantamiento de Valle (Valle's uprising) (failed uprising of the General Juan José Valle against Aramburu's dictatorship) that would lead to the Fusilamientos de José León Suárez (Executions of José León Suárez) – in which Valle himself and several civilians would be killed) – and the dictatorship to be called "Revolución Fusiladora" (Executing Revolution).

In the following years, after Perón fled into exile and the Revolución Libertadora ended in 1958; the presidency rotated between radicals and File:StratoDictature.png military dictators. Arturo Frondizi was the first of them, and he had a broad confrontation with the Peronist sectors. Even so, he allowed the participation of the Neoperonist party File:Neo-Peron.png "Unión Popular" (Popular Union) in the 1962 elections to renew half of the deputies and elect provincial governors, in which Peronism emerged triumphant in several of the provinces. File:SyndPron.png Andrés Framini would be the new governor of Buenos Aires, and although Frondizi annulled the election, this caused the military forces to carry out a coup on March 29 of the same year, putting the civilian José María Guido in office under the "ley de acefalía" (law of succession). Guido, with military pressure, put the Congress in reccess and called for elections in 1963, in which Arturo Umberto Illia, for the "Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblo" (Radical Civic Union of the People), was elected president. Illia removed the ban on the PJ, but he did not allow Perón to return to the country.

In June 26, given the weakness of Illia's government, the military finally intervened in a process known as the File:StratoOligarchy.png "Revolución Argentina" (Argentine Revolution); protagonized by Generals Juan Onganía, Roberto Levingston and Alejandro Lanusse. In this period of time, from 1955 to 1973 (Cámpora's presidency), the "Peronist Resistance" was initiated, a period in which autonomous unions, neighborhood and student organizations, among others, opposed and resisted dictatorships and civil governments that followed the departure of Perón. Attached to this uprising, File:Neo-Peron.png Neo-Peronism arose, as a tendency that defended Peronist ideas against the ban of the movement, with its highest fronts being the File:Neo-Peron.png "Unión Popular Federal" (Federal Popular Union) and the refounded File:Neo-Peron.png Partido Laborista (Labourist Party). In response to the acts of oppression of the civic-military dictatorships and from constitutional government (such as the one of Frondizi and Guido), the different branches of Peronism responded from clandestinity using various tactics, ranging from the boycott of public and private companies, attempts at political participation (the aforementioned Neo-Peronist parties, for example) to even acts of File:NatTerrorist.png terrorism.

A new generation of syndicalist leaders would also emerge, the most prominent of them being Augusto Vandor (general secretary of the File:SyndieSamCon.png Metallurgical Worker Union), who would carry out his own movement (Vandorism) within the Neoperonist current, defending a "Peronism without Perón" that would soon be perceived as a threat by the most File:OrthSyndPron.png orthodox sectors of Peronist syndicalism and by Perón himself. With Vandor killed in 1969, File:OrthSyndPron.png José Ignacio Rucci and File:OrthSyndPron.png Lorenzo Miguel (backed by Perón) would continue his legacy, but within the orthodoxy and seeking to unify the File:CGT.png CGT before the arrival of Perón.

Perón's third term

After the military regime of the "Revolución Argentina" failed to get control over the country's economic problems and faced the civil uprisings of the Cordobazo (1969) and the Viborazo (1971), democratic elections were held in 1973. The military was unable to keep the PJ away from the government and reluctantly allowed it to participate, but without Perón's presence. File:TioCampora.png Héctor José Cámpora ran as the presidential candidate of Peronism, in an electoral alliance called the File:Syncretic.png "Frente Justicialista de Liberación" (FREJULI), an anti-imperialist gathering of conservative, christian democrat, socialist, radical and Peronist parties, with the latter being the majority. He won the elections and began his short presidential term, known as the "Primavera Camporista" (Camporist Spring), distinguished for the policies of File:Soccorp.png social agreements between the government, unions and employers (Social Pact), the adoption of a File:NAM.png non-alignment position in the Cold War and Cámpora's progressive visions. Cámpora quickly removed the ban on Perón so that he would settle permanently in Argentina and participate in the elections on September of the same year, after Cámpora and his vice president, File:Patcon.png Vicente Solano Lima resigned from their charges. In this short period of time, File:RaulLastiri.png Raúl Alberto Lastiri temporarily held the position of president as an interim before the elections and immediately outlawed the File:LeftTerrorist.png ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) (People's Revolutionary Army).

When Perón arrived to the country, the tense relations between the File:OrthPeron.png orthodox Peronists and the File:Montoneros.png "Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) led to the "Masacre de Ezeiza" (Ezeiza Massacre), a mass murder occurred at the Ezeiza Airport, where both sectors of Peronism gathered to receive their leader. Supporters of File:LeftPeronism.png revolutionary Peronism were then shot by members of the "Comando de Organización de la Juventud Peronista" (CdO) (Peronist Youth Organization Command); an insurrectionary Peronist organization that rejected both the center-left and center-right factions of Peronism. Perón then ran for president with his wife, File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón, under the FREJULI, and won by wide difference. With the unstable panorama of Peronism and the murder of Rucci, Perón decided to return to his traditionalist and orthodox roots, attacking Marxism and seeking its total elimination from the movement. He proposed an industrialist policy commanded by File:ModerateML.png José Gelbard File:Champagne Socialism.png (who had already been Minister of Economy of Cámpora and Lastiri), kept the File:Soccorp.png Social Pact and reaffirmed File:NAM.png a non-aligned international position in favor of Third World integration. He also approved the operations of the "Alianza Anticomunista Argentina" (Triple A) (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance), which was in charge of persecuting militants of File:LeftPeronism.png revolutionary Peronism and was led by José López Rega and Alberto Villar.

Gelbard saw initial success within the framework of the Social Pact: he diversified the foreign market and achieved the largest trade surplus in Argentinian history, in addition to achieving (virtually) full employment. However, when international inflation unbalanced the fixed prices, a "great national joint meeting" was called to update prices and a corporate black market began to emerge due to the hoarding of goods from the business sector. Furthermore, the gigantic fiscal deficit and the artificially low exchange rate caused the loss of international reserves.

The Navarrazo, endorsed by Perón, would then occur in February 1974, with the province of Córdoba being intervened, and File:LeftPeronism.png Ricardo Obregón Cano (moderately affiliated with the left-wing of Peronism that threatened the idea of ​​a centralized syndicalism) and File:SyndPron.png Atilio López removed from power in a police coup led by Antonio Domingo Navarro (former chief of the Córdoba police). This would increase tensions between the Perón government (aligned with File:OrthPeron.png orthodoxy) and the sectors of revolutionary Peronism (File:Montoneros.png la Tendencia, mainly Montoneros), causing a rupture that would be formalized on May 1, 1974. Perón, giving a speech on the occasion of the International Workers' Day, would respond bluntly to the chants of la Tendencia, who would decide to withdraw from the popular demonstration, being indirectly expulsed. Thanks to this, the process of integrating the File:JP.png Juventud Peronista (JP) (Peronist Youth) as the fourth branch of the Peronist movement would be abandoned, getting that status later.

Perón finally died in July 1, 1974, and Perón's wife, File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón (previously vice president), took over the presidency with a deteriorated economic situation and rising inflation. She, advised by López Rega and Emilio Massera, carried out an orthodox economic plan after dismissing Gelbard as minister and favored the persecution of leftist university students through parapolice groups. File:Ultramil.png Operation Independence of 1975 would stand out among these state-terrorist actions, being the first major operation of the Dirty War that began in 1974; this confrontation would occur in Tucumán between the File:StratoHelm.png military and the File:LeftTerrorist.png ERP guerrilla, constituting the first decree of annihilation.

In her presidency there were a total of 5 Ministers of Economy after Gelbard: File:ModFiscon.png Alfredo Gómez Morales, File:Fiscon.png Celestino Rodrigo, File:PatFisCon.png Pedro José Bonanni, File:ChristDemHum.png Antonio Cafiero File:Econprag.png and Emilio Mondelli. The most relevant of them, Rodrigo, would be the material author of the File:DeficitHawk.png Rodrigazo: a program of economic shock, devaluation of the peso and File:Tax.png tax increase to the workers that triggered inflation, produced shortages and provoked an immediate reaction from the File:CGT.png CGT, which would conduct its first strike towards a Peronist government. Rodrigo and López Rega subsequently resigned from their positions, leaving a crisis that their successors were unable to reverse.

Between September 13 and October 16, 1975, absenting for health reasons, Isabelita designated File:ItaloLuder.png Ítalo Luder, provisional president of the senate, to exercise executive power. Luder would sign three more decrees of annihilation and would begin a process of File:Mil.png militarization of Argentina, maintaining a notable condescension with the military sector to fight against "subversion" (how the File:LeftTerrorist.png left-wing guerrillas and other revolutionary sectors were called). The idea of ​​an institutional coup would be frustrated with the return of Isabelita to the presidency, who would firmly reject the possibility of resigning and leaving Luder as her successor.

In a panorama of destabilization and an increase in guerrilla activity, the military coup self-proclaimed File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" (National Reorganization Process) was executed in 1976 and File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón was arrested.

Military dictatorship 1976 to 1983

With the establishment of the File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png National Reorganization Process – as part of the File:OperationCondor.png Operation Condor – , originally led by File:Videla.png Jorge Rafael Videla, Emilio Massera and Orlando Agosti; the dictatorship began to effect a state-terrorist scheme against people of "subversive" ideals (including Marxists, social democrats, File:Synd.png syndicalists, File:LeftPeronism.png revolutionary Peronists, etc), unleashing imprisonment, disappearances, torture, murder and kidnapping of children. After the dissolution of the single File:SyndPron.png CGT and the reorganization of syndicalism, a fairly divided Peronism opposed to dictatorship (represented by the File:RevSynd.png CGT-Brasil of File:SyndieSam.png Saúl Ubaldini) then resisted through File:SyndieSam.png trade unionism and File:HumanRights.png human rights organizations, while the Azopardo branch of the CGT took a "dialoguist" position with the dictatorship.

Although at first both File:CGT.png CGT supported the File:Cball-Falklands.png Falklands War, in the disbandment of the dictatorship after the defeat, they joined in a general strike backed by the "multipartidaria" (multiparty, coordinated political action of the PJ, UCR, File:Revdemsoc.png PI [19], PDC [20] and File:EconNat.png MID[21]) demanding democratic elections and precipitating the fall of the civic-military dictatorship.

Role in the democratization of Argentina after 1983

Reynaldo Bignone, the last of the military dictators of Argentina, was forced to begin a democratic transition and prepare the 1983 elections, where the two national traditional political forces faced each other: Peronism (PJ), under File:ItaloLuder.png Ítalo Luder and Deolindo Bittel (both ensured by the File:OrthPeron.png Orthodox), and radicalism (UCR), under Raúl Alfonsín.

Raúl Alfonsín ended up winning the election, supported by the bad image that File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón had left in the PJ due to her authoritarian behavior. Peronism was forced to take a new direction for the elections of 1989, that would develop in an internal process known as the "Peronist Renovation": headed by File:Menem.png Carlos Menem (with a federalist focus), Antonio Cafiero (with a "modernizer" focus) and Carlos Grosso (with a more File:ChristSocdem.png "social christian" focus) in the PJ, with the aim of guiding the party under the democratic ideals that Alfonsín espoused in his campaign and displacing the File:OrthPeron.png orthodox Peronists and the members of File:Montoneros.png la Tendencia from their power in the movement and in the trade unions.

Ideology

Main ideas

File:JuanPeron.png Perón said that peronism was composed of "three flags", the three main ideas of the ideology. These are:

Another important ideas are:

  • File:TripartiteCorporatism.png Class collaborationism: Peronism thinks that in capitalism the people serve capital and the File:ClassismPoor.png working class is being opressed by File:Oligarchy.pngoligarchy[note 2] and in communism the people is harmed because capital doesn't exist and both classes are in constant conflict, so it proposes the collaboration of both classes.
  • Corporatism: Peronism has a corporatism economy, in which most important industries and resource sare in hands of the state and the people. A famous cite of File:JuanPeron.png Perón says "The economy is never truly free: it is either controlled by the state for the benefit of the people, or controlled by large corporations to the detriment of the people."
  • Welfarism: Peronism thinks that every basic need that the File:ClassismPoor.png working class has should be a right and be fulfilled by the state for free. As a famous cite from File:Evita.png Evita says, "Where there is a need, a right is born"
  • Environmentalism: Peronism thinks that natural resources should be protected and be in hand of the state and therefore the people, because if the File:Oligarchy.png oligarchy had power over them, they would destroy them.
  • Protectionist: Peronism thinks that in order to protect national industry the state should impose taxes and regulations on imported goods.
  • File:SyndieSam.png Syndicalism: Peronism believes that if workers are organized in unions, they are stronger.

Schools of Thought

File:Kirch.png Kirchnerism

File:Kirchnerism flag.svg
Flag of Kirchnerism

Kirchnerism is an economically center-left and culturally moderate to progressive ideology based on the ideological postulates of the presidencies of File:Kirch.png Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and File:CFK.png Cristina Kirchner (2007-2015), gathered in a period called the "Década Ganada" (Won Decade) by its supporters. It brings together social democratic, socialist, Marxist, "radical K" (Kirchnerist radical) File:Kirch.png and Alfonsinist (of President Raúl Alfonsín) parties in a nationalist and left-wing populist movement that focuses on File:Socjust.png social justice, human rights and progressivism. It also has great support from the sector of File:KirchMilitant.png "Militant Peronism" and from File:KirchMilitant.png "La Cámpora", an organization made in honor of File:TioCampora.png Héctor Cámpora that is dedicated to Kirchnerist militancy and the promotion of human rights.

It arose within the crisis of December 2001 in Argentina (a social, economic and political crisis motivated by the slogan "All of them must go!" that caused the resignation of President Fernando de la Rúa and triggered the rotation of the presidential power until 2003; included in this process 4 Peronist presidents: File:RamonPuerta.png Ramón Puerta, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, File:EduardoCamaño.png Eduardo Camaño and File:EduardoDuhalde.png Eduardo Duhalde) with the interim presidency of File:EduardoDuhalde.png Eduardo Duhalde underway, when the Grupo Calafate (Calafate Group, a group originally directed by Duhalde and coordinated by Alberto Fernández that brought together anti-Menemist sectors and maintained as its main objective to avoid the "re-reelection" of Menem) presented Néstor Kirchner and File:Moder.png Daniel Scioli as the presidential ticket, losing the first round by a simple majority of Menem. Menem, wanting to avoid a humiliating defeat predicted for the runoff, withdrew, leaving Néstor Kirchner as president. He was then succeeded by his wife, Cristina Kirchner, in two presidential terms and in a vice presidency in the government of Fernández.

Kirchnerism can be summarized in the following economic and social tenets:

  • State intervention in the economy;
  • Industrialization and developmentalism;
  • Accumulation of reserves in the File:Central bank.png Central Bank;
  • Immediate payment of the external debt and the avoidance of its accumulation;
  • Obtaining of twin surpluses (at least in theory);
  • Maintenance of the exchange rate at high levels to favor competition and exports;
  • Anti-Neoliberalism (the Kirchners had a positive political relationship with Menem at first, but they turned on him later): a fervent opposition to the policies called File:New-Neoclassical.png "neoliberal" by the Kirchners, including "adjustment" measures, privatizations, shrinking of the state and cuts in public spending, liberalization of the internal and external markets, debt contraction, etc;
  • Regional alignment and rejection of free trade agreements with the United States ;
  • Promotion of human rights through the state and organizations like the File:Cball-UN.png UN;
  • Gender and sexuality policies (although Kirchnerism was always ambivalent regarding abortion, with a sharp rejection by Néstor Kirchner and an ambiguity by Cristina Kirchner that was only broken with the approval of the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law in 2020, in the Fernández's government);
  • File:Socjust.png Social justice and a tendency to appeal to left-wing populism.
File:Kirch.png Kirchnerism (Néstor)

Néstor Kirchner held center to center-left economic ideals and moderate progressive cultural positions, being in favor of the File:Gay.png LGBT community and feminism, but opposing abortion. He proposed a more moderate social democratic system than his wife's, focusing on income recovery (doubling the middle class), favoring exports and expressing the need for File:Fiscon.png fiscal balance.

The presidency of Néstor Kirchner was characterized by a broad and constant GDP growth driven by the 2000's commodities boom together with a fiscal and commercial surplus (the "twin surpluses") and a drop in unemployment and poverty (inflation values increased, however, until the end of his term), the total cancellation of the debt contracted with the File:IMF.png IMF (which represented the 9% of the total public debt), high exportations, devaluation of the currency through the File:Central bank.png Central Bank, increase in public services, fiscal balance, opposition to the hegemonic media (such as Clarín and La Nación) and an active human rights policy to amend the damages and convict those responsible for the File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png National Reorganization Process. With the rebounding economy that he had received after Duhalde's enormous fiscal adjustment, Néstor managed high positive indicators (mainly with Roberto Lavagna as minister of economy) with File:MSocdem.png moderate social democratic measures and ended his term in 2007, supporting his wife in her candidacy for the elections. He finally passed away on October 27, 2010, from a cardiac arrest.

File:CFK.png Cristina Kirchner Thought

Cristina Kirchner held center-left economic ideals and progressive cultural positions, proposing a social democratic economic scheme with a File:Keynes.png Keynesian and File:CLPop.png left-wing populist tendency that defends a greater state intervention in the market compared to Néstor's policies. She advocated the approval of abortion as vice president and had a strong affinity for feminist movements; despite not considering herself a feminist. She is normally referred by her initials "CFK" (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner).

File:CFK.png Cristina Kirchner ran with the approval of File:Kirch.png Néstor Kirchner in the 2007 elections, along with Julio Cobos. She won in the first round by a large margin and was elected president. Her first period (2007-2011) was marked by the intervention in the INDEC (nucleated in the CPI sector: Consumer Price Index) by File:PyV.png Guillermo Moreno[22], which caused a sanction by the File:IMF.png IMF and a general nebulosity in the data added to the underestimation of inflation and the unreliable measures of GDP. It can be affirmed, even so, that Cristina's presidency maintained remarkable indicators, avoiding the 2008 crisis with the profitable commodities boom that persisted in her term: the constant decline in poverty, indigence, unemployment and foreign debt continued, the strengthening of foreign relations was achieved through an autonomist and Latin Americanist policy, and progressive policies were deepened, embodied in the legalization of File:Gay.png same-sex marriage and the approval of gender identity laws. The Ministry of Economy was occupied by three different officials: the first, Martín Lousteau, who was the author of "Resolution 125", a series of withholding tax measures that tried to capture part of the income obtained by the field with the favorable period and ended up provoking a convoluted national conflict between the agricultural sector and Kirchnerism; the second, File:MixEcoism.png Carlos Rafael Fernández; and the third, File:ProgNation.png Amado Boudou, future vice president and president of ANSES (National Social Security Administration;) who was in charge of the elimination of the File:Gero.png AFJP (Administradora de Fondos de Jubilaciones y Pensiones) (Retirement and Pension Fund Administrator), private companies that were dedicated to the administration of funds generated by contributions pensioners.

File:CFK.png Cristina Kirchner then ran for the 2011 elections together with File:ProgNation.png Amado Boudou as vice president, being the first woman re-elected in America. Her second period (2011-2015) was characterized by an inconsistent economic growth, a notable drop in reserves, increase in foreign debt and uncontrolled inflation – which would rise to 38% and then stabilize until dropping to 26% –, restriction on the dollar and imports, the nationalization of YPF and the conflict with the vulture funds. With the Ministry of Economy under the tutelage of Axel Kicillof, poverty data stopped being published. This attitude and the measures taken by the government developed into a general malaise that fueled the idea of ​​a political change, which would later come with the candidacy and election of File:Macri.png Mauricio Macri in 2015.

After Macri's term, that left negative macroeconomic indicators and contracted high debt, File:CFK.png Cristina Kirchner resolved to present herself as vice president accompanying Alberto Fernández for the 2019 elections. They achieved a victory in the first round, and the Fernández's government began; which, in a context of the Russo-Ukrainian War File:Cball-Ukraine.png and the File:Covidism-icon.png COVID-19 pandemic, failed in the management of the country and caused great damage to the economy, with inflation, unemployment, poverty and the "blue dollar" – the one that operates outside of the State intervention – on the rise. The differences between Cristina and Alberto overflowed and multiple clashes occurred, with the vice president distancing herself from him during his presidential term. In 2022, Cristina Kirchner was sentenced to 6 years in prison and perpetual disqualification from holding public office in the political corruption case known as "Causa Vialidad" for fraudulent administration aggravated by presumably to have been committed to the detriment of the public administration. She, giving up the chance to be president, and qualifying the sentence as an attempt at File:Lpop-tinfoilhat.png "lawfare" and defamation by the hegemonic media, decided to support File:CentristPeronism.png Sergio Massa's candidacy for the 2023 elections; who lost again File:Milei.png Javier Milei.

File:Tacuara.png Tacuarism

Tacuarism is an economically Third Positionist, culturally reactionary and civically authoritarian ideology based on the ideals of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement, an File:Terrorist.png insurrectional, fascist, File:Flang.png Falangist and File:Neonazi ball.png neo-nazi heterogeneous political organization that brought together various ideological currents under the objective of establishing a File:Natsynd.png national-syndicalist state in Argentina. The Tacuaras spread a Catholic, anti-Semitic, anti-communist, anti-capitalist, anti-oligarchic, anti-imperialist and anti-zionist platform that supported the fight against Judaism and the promotion of File:Nacionalismo.png Nacionalismo as their highest principles. They sought the formation of a "revolutionary aristocracy" that would establish a third positionist, corporatist, File:Mil.png militarist and File:Robert Ley.png Catholic national-syndicalist system whose government, in opposition to the parliament and the electoral system, would be selected by chambers of labour, with a State that would control the strategic economic sectors without annulling private property.

Its members were originally active in the File:Nacionalismo.png Unión Nacionalista de Estudiantes Secundarios (Nationalist Union of Secondary Students), a third position student organization that was a branch of the File:Nationalist Alliance liberation.png Nationalist Liberation Alliance. After separating from them due to their turn to Peronism and opposition to the Church, they continued their criminal activities with the help of the nationalist sectors of the police and the Armed Forces, who saw in the group a youth force to stop the advance of the "communist danger" in Argentine society.

As a political organization, the Tacuara Movement suffered multiple splits and divisions: the new militants were open supporters of Peronism, File:Leftunity.png left-wing ideologies and File:Insarch.png anarchist ideologies , and many leaders of the movement began a process of ideological transformation towards adverse positions. The two main factions were represented by the priest File:Nacionalismo.png Julio Meinvielle and the French anthropologist and former member of the File:Waffen SS.png Waffen-SS, File:Neonazi ball.png Jacques de Mahieu. Mahieu, a vehement supporter of the Peronist movement, encouraged many members of Tacuara to join the Peronist Resistance, a cause rejected by Meinvielle, who impetuously accused the original core of Tacuara of having been led astray by File:HegelMarx.png "Marxist deviations" and criticized Peronism for remaining neutral with the international climate of the Cold War and refusing to support the United States (the "lesser evil"), which according to him led to the indirect validation of the bloc of File:Christophobia.png "anti-Christian" nations composed of the File:Cball-USSR.png Soviet Union and its allies. Meinvielle then founded a parallel ultra-nationalist, ultra-Catholic and anti-Semitic group baptized as the File:Ultranatcon.png "Nationalist Restoration Guard". Shortly after, File:Montoneros.png Dardo Cabo also separated from the movement and founded the File:RightPeronism.png New Argentina Movement, one of the first right-wing Peronist formations. The biggest rupture, however, was that of the sector headed by File:JoseJoeBaxter.png Joe Baxter and File:LeftPeronism.png José Luis Nell, who structured the Tacuara Nationalist Revolutionary Movement and migrated towards left-wing nationalist ideals close to Marxism, acquiring an anti-capitalist and anti-Catholic profile, in opposition to anti-Semitism and with an important connection with the File:LeftPeronism.png left-wing sectors of Peronism that would later form File:Montoneros.png FAR-Montoneros.

Tacuara began its decline with the exit of a large part of its members to organizations of the extreme File:RightPeronism.png right and File:LeftPeronism.png left of Peronism. Baxter founded the File:LeftTerrorist.png People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), Nell joined File:Montoneros.png FAR-Montoneros, Cabo joined the File:SyndieSamCon.png Vandorist movement, while other members ended up collaborating with the Triple A and the military dictatorship in the 70's. Formally, the Tacuara Nationalist Movement ceased to operate in 1966.

Biondinism

Biondinism is a far-right, Fourth Positionist and culturally traditionalist ideology based on the ideas of Alejandro Biondini, his son César Biondini and his political parties, New Triumph and Federal Patriot Front. It is of anti-Zionist, File:OrthPeron.png orthodox Peronist, File:Nacionalismo.png nacionalista, ultranationalist, File:Ultracon.png ultraconservative, File:Mil.png militarist, anti-communist, anti-feminist, anti-LGBT and anti-globalization ideals, and, although it has been denied on multiple occasions by Biondini himself and his supporters, it is often described as File:Neonazi ball.png neo-Nazi, neo-fascist, reactionary and antisemite by the press. Biondini and his followers claim to identify with File:Manuel de Rosas.png Juan Manuel de Rosas and the Federals. They propose the rejection of any boundary treaty with neighboring countries that has resulted in the surrender of territory (implying belligerent positions with bordering nations, specifically File:Cball-Chile.png Chile), the reconstitution of the armed forces, the illegalization of same-sex marriage and abortion, compulsory military service, File:Police.png zero tolerance for crime, File:Cball-Palestine.png claiming the state of Palestine as legitimate, expulsion of the Israeli embassy, ​​breaking relations with the File:BritishEmpire.png United Kingdom until full sovereignty over the File:Cball-Falklands.png Falkland Islands is obtained and an anti-liberal and File:ChristNat.png Christian nationalist economic order that places the state as a rector of the private life of people and of the economy, which it would control for the "common good". They are opposed to File:Kirch.png Kirchnerism and describe themselves as 'Peronists of Perón': adhering to populist measures such as increased public spending and the nationalization of public service companies that reside in hands of the private sector, but mixing them with other orthodox ones as a high reduction in taxes.

The New Triumph Party emerged in 1990 as a derivation of another group founded by Biondini: National Alert, a division of the Justicialist Party that eventually disintegrated. The party was originally called the File:Neonazi ball.png "Nationalist Workers' Party" with the intention of copying the name of the File:Nationalsocialismus.png Nazi Party (German National Socialist Workers' Party). Biondini tried to obtain legal status on multiple occasions, until it was definitively denied by the Supreme Court and the organization ended up dissolving in 2009. The Federal Patriot Front (originally called the Patriot Front Neighborhood Flag), on the other hand, achieved definitive legal status and participated in some presidential elections after merging with other political parties.

File:Menem.png Menemism

Menemism is an economically center-right to right-wing and culturally conservative ideology that comes from the policies of File:Menem.png Carlos Menem in his two terms (1989-1995 and 1995-1999). It would be represented first in the FREJUPO (Frente Justicialista de Unidad Popular) (1989) (Popular Unity Justicialist Front) and then in the Frente por la Lealtad (2003) (Front for Loyalty) as an internal current of Peronism in the JP (Justicialist Party). As an ideology it has been defined as "neoliberal", File:Syncpop.png "neopopulist", nationalist liberal, File:Rpop.png right-wing populist and conservative by different Argentine media. Political figures who currently call themselves Menemists are File:Nationalconservativeliberalism-icon.png Miguel Pichetto and his party File:RightPeronism.png Encuentro Republicano Federal (Federal Republic Encounter), File:Menem.png Martín Menem, among others. Menemism can be summarized in the following economic and social tenets:

Taking stock of both presidential periods, public spending went from 30 to 33 points of GDP, also increasing the fiscal deficit, primary spending, public debt (external and internal), unemployment and poverty rates. Inflation would be one of the strongest points, being contained and relegated to almost zero levels.

Menem's Presidency (1989-1999)

Menem ran for president, along with File:EduardoDuhalde.png Eduardo Duhalde, after defeating the other presidential ticket of the PJ composed of Antonio Cafiero and File:Schiaretti.png José Manuel de la Sota. Under the promise of a "salariazo" (general increase in salaries) and a "productive revolution", he was supported by other sectors of Peronism and File:SyndieSam.png syndicalism, winning in the first round and surpassing the radical Eduardo Angeloz. Once his victory was consummated, Menem assumed the presidency five months earlier than stipulated due to the resignation of the then-president Raúl Alfonsín, consequence of the deep hyperinflation that was plaguing the economy. Seeking to solve the situation and straighten out the economic outlook, the elected president then meets with Bunge & Born, an Argentine economic board, and appoints File:Newkeynes.png Miguel Ángel Roig (general executive vice president of the corporation) as his minister of economy. He would suddenly die before carrying out his financial plan, the File:Monet.png "BB" Plan (inspired by the economic postulates of File:NuKeynesPix.png Lawrence Klein); this would force Menem to replace him with File:Newkeynes.png Néstor Rapanelli.

With Rapanelli in charge, the Menemist government partially adheres to the measures outlined by John Williamson in the File:WashingtonConsensus.png Washington Consensus, achieving the unblocking of File:IMF.png World Bank credits and managing to convince the entity to support the privatization of several state companies under the State Reform Law, approved in August 1989. The first privatizations were those of the telephone company Entel (with which the Argentine telephone service was modernized, increasing its popularity) and Aerolíneas Argentinas (Argentinian Airlines), followed by the road network, television channels (except ATC), most of the railway networks and Gas del Estado (State Gas). Despite the economic income provided by privatizations, a second hyperinflationary cycle couldn't be avoided, causing Rapanelli to be replaced by Antonio Erman González. He, faced with a huge internal debt due to the discriminated issuance of public securities with high interest rates and non-payment to suppliers, would be the architect of the economic shock program File:Monet.png Plan Bonex (BONos EXternos) (Bonex Plan) (External Bonds). This price stabilization plan would consist of exchanging all fixed terms (plazos fijos) for state dollar bonds called "Bonex 89", which matured in 1999; also prohibiting banks from temporarily receiving deposits. Minister Erman, in his homonymous resolutions (Erman I, Erman II, etc) took multiple measures to accompany this process, liberalizing the exchange market, reducing monetary issuance, public spending and state personnel (suspending tenders, expenses and hiring), shrinking the state administrative apparatus, etc. The impact on Argentines with a fixed term was sharp and caused a general distrust in the people, who would begin to disbelieve in bank savings, as a prelude to the Corralito in 2001. Even so, inflation decreased and was contained, and a surplus was reached in trade balance.

Erman González finally submitted his resignation in 1991, after the corruption scandal popularly known as File:CronyCap.png "Swiftgate", in which he and File:StateIlleg.png Emir Yoma, presidential advisor and brother-in-law of Menem, were involved. It was a complaint presented by the Swift-Armour refrigeration company to the United States embassy (which Ambassador File:Internation.png Terence Todman supported in a note dedicated to the Argentine government), in which they alleged the reception of requests for bribes so that the state would expedite the release of taxes on the company's products.

Domingo Cavallo would take the reins of the Ministry of Economy by establishing the convertibility law, a scheme that would mark the parity of the dollar with a new currency: the "convertible" peso, which would eliminate the austral from circulation. Liberal economic measures similar to the File:WashingtonConsensus.png Washington Consensus would be expanded, highlighting a generalized opening to foreign trade with the reduction of File:Tariff.png tariffs, quotas and import prohibitions; more privatizations of public companies (related to Menemist corruption, but they had positive effects on electrical, telephone, water and sewage services; while having detrimental ones on railway transport), the reorganization of the tax system and a temporary curtailment of the state; the File:Industrial.png industry, however, would be punished by low salaries and high File:Tax.png taxes, which would favor cheap foreign products. In this period the File:Gero.png AFJPs would be established for the reform of the retirement system and the economy would remain stable with the disinflation process linked to positive indicators in terms of economic growth, foreign investment, poverty, etc- Unemployment rates, regardless, would continue to rise, trade deficit would emerge and the fiscal deficit would reappear due to the Tequila Crisis in File:Cball-Mexico.png Mexico. This would not overshadow, anyway, the results of Cavallo's management and Menem's presidency, which would lead him to win the 1995 elections in the first round, defeating File:LeftPeronism.png José Octavio Bordón, of the party PAIS (Política Abierta para la Integridad Social) (Country, Open Policy for Social Integrity).

After the re-election of Menem in 1995 with Carlos Ruckauf as vice president, Cavallo would continue as head of the Ministry of Economy, facing the consequences of the Tequila Effect with high unemployment and underemployment rates, a deindustrialized economy (situation that would be aggravated after he authorized an increase in the internal VAT of 16% to 21%) and other factors that led to the government taking external debt. The first crisis of the second Menemist period would then come, which would last from 1995 to 1997, as a result of the depreciation of the File:Cball-Brazil.png Brazilian Real and other currencies; and also due to the File:PanAsian.png 1997 Asian financial crisis. In the midst of this event, Cavallo would be replaced by the then president of the File:Central bank.png Central Bank, File:ChicagoSchool.png Roque Fernández, who would take office in 1996 to mitigate unemployment.

After an entire year in economic recession, activity would grow again, leaving the Mexican crisis behind. Privatizations would continue, this time of Correo Argentino, Aeropuertos Argentinos 2000 and YPF; unemployment would fall in 1997 and the economy would continue its upward trend until 1999, receiving a hard blow with the second crisis of convertibility in 1998-1999, that happened within the devaluation of the ruble in Russia and the File:Cball-Brazil.png Samba effect. From this moment on, unemployment rates deepened and the economic recession worsened due to the public debt resulting from the fiscal deficit accumulated since 1995, a problem that would extend until 2001 with the social outbreak in the presidency of Fernando de la Rúa (who would win the elections against Duhalde in 1999 and appoint Cavallo as his economy minister, the future structurer of the Corralito). Convertibility would end in 2002, under the presidency of File:EduardoDuhalde.png Eduardo Duhalde.

In the 2003 elections, Menem would run for president alongside File:Nationalconservativeliberalism-icon.png Juan Carlos Romero, seeking the "re-re-election". He would secure a victory in the first round, but finding himself disadvantaged in the runoff and with a predicted defeat, he would end up relegating, leaving File:Kirch.png Néstor Kirchner as president.

File:FedPron.png Federal Peronism File:FedPeron-Alt.png

Federal Peronism, also called Dissident Peronism, is a term used to describe a heterogeneous and oscillating group of non-Kirchnerist leaders who are allied under a federal profile. It is economically variable (with File:EconNat.png nationalist/developmentalist, File:Fiscon.png fiscally conservative, social democratic and Third Way factions), culturally File:Progconf.png progressive conservative (with conservative factions) and civically statist. It originates in the 2003 elections under the so-called "neolemmas law", which allowed three PJ candidates to run in the general elections to compete against each other, presenting themselves in practice as if they were part of different parties: File:Kirch.png Néstor Kirchner (Front for Victory), File:Menem.png Carlos Menem (Front for Loyalty) and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá (Popular Movement Front). After Néstor Kirchner won the elections, an opposition Peronism would be formed, with two predominant factions established around Menem and Saá. The Federal PJ would end up breaking up in 2019, after the dissolution of Alternativa Federal (an alliance that brought together figures such as File:Nationalconservativeliberalism-icon.png Miguel Pichetto, File:CentristPeronism.png Sergio Massa, File:Schiaretti.png Juan Schiaretti, Juan Urtubey, etc), with Pichetto running as vice president of Mauricio Macri in the elections of the same year, Massa joining the Frente de Todos to be part of the future government of Alberto Fernández and Urtubey doing the same with Consenso Federal, supporting Roberto Lavagna. Federal Peronism persists today through parties such as File:RepubPron.png Encuentro Republicano Federal, Hacemos por Nuestro País and ideological currents such as the File:Schiaretti.png "peronismo cordobés" (Peronism of Córdoba).

File:OrthPeron.png Orthodox Peronism

Orthodox Peronism, also called National Justicialism, mainly refers to the File:RightPeronism.png right-wing sector of Peronism fervently opposed to File:Montoneros.png la Tendencia and any other Marxist or File:LeftPeronism.png left-wing interpretation of Peron's ideas, sticking to the traditional bases of the movement and reaffirming a Third Position distanced from both the socioeconomic systems of the United States (Capitalism) and the File:Cball-USSR.png Soviet Union (Communism). It has a culturally File:Ultracon.png ultra-conservative profile and defends a File:Natsynd.png national-syndicalist and corporatist system similar to the first Peronism, but turning more openly to fascism and incorporating some ideas of a neoliberal nature while appealing to File:Rpop.png right-wing populist rhetoric to justify ideological aspects like anti-Semitism and conspiracy theories related to a File:Esosoc.png "Marxist synarchy". It also strongly adheres to the fundamentalism of the 20 Peronist Truths and advocates a "revisionist" nationalism in its historical reading.

As an ideology it was strongly verticalist in the Peronist Resistance, rejecting both the revolutionary and leftist currents of Peronism and the more "dialoguist" (in favor of negotiating with dictatorships and the radical civil governments until the return of Perón, such as Vandorism) or reconciling sectors of Neoperonism, maintaining an unrestricted loyalty to Perón. After participating as a fundamental File:OrthSyndPron.png faction in syndicalism during the Peronist Resistance, File:OrthPeron.png orthodox Peronism would take on great importance in Perón's third term and in the subsequent presidency of File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón with José López Rega.

File:Montoneros.png Tendencia Revolucionaria

"Tendencia Revolucionaria" (Revolutionary Tendency) or File:LeftPeronism.png Revolutionary Peronism is the name given to the leftist and insurrectional sector of Peronism, formed gradually between the 60s and 70s. With economically left to extreme left (factions) and culturally progressive stances, it interprets Peronism as a nationalist variant of Christian socialism molded to the Argentine cultural context and advocates File:RevNat.png armed struggle and other File:NatTerrorist.png combative stances – such as the planting of bombs known as "caños" –, as legitimate strategies for its defense. It is also of a strong nationalist, anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic thought, holding national liberation and the construction of a "nationalist socialism" as its main objectives.

La Tendencia gained importance during the Peronist resistance period, fighting for the return of Perón and facing the civil-military dictatorships prior to File:TioCampora.png Héctor Cámpora's government, with whom they also established a strong relationship in his government by promoting the creation of agrarian and educational reforms, the rise in real wages, industrialization of the interior of the country and the union of Argentina to the File:NAM.png Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Due to its leftist and radical ideology, his followers began to be attacked by the most File:OrthPeron.png "orthodox" sectors of Peronism, culminating in the infamous "Ezeiza massacre", an event that corresponds to Peron's definitive return to Argentina and implied the repression and death of multiple revolutionary Peronists at the hands of "Orthodox" armed groups.

La Tendencia was composed of File:Montoneros.png Montoneros and File:LeftTerrorist.png FAR, as core guerrilla organizations, and also by others terrorist formations, such as the File:LeftTerrorist.png Peronist Armed Forces and the File:LeftTerrorist.png Uturuncos.

Triple A

The "Triple A" (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance) was a far-right parapolice terrorist organization of fascist, Peronist (but some of its leaders, such as Alberto Villar and Luis Margaride, were anti-Peronists), traditionalist and anti-communist ideals that arose in Argentina during the third presidency of Perón, and in the subsequent government of File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón, after José López Rega was appointed as Minister of Social Welfare under File:TioCampora.png Héctor Cámpora's term.

López Rega coordinated the Triple A with the help of Villar (who was responsible for converting the original organization of López Rega into a parastatal death squad), Margaride and others such as Julio Yessi, Aníbal Gordon and Juan Ramón Morales, with the aim of persecuting individuals classified as "zurdos" (File:Leftunity.png leftists, that ranged from members of File:Montoneros.png la Tendencia and File:LeftPeronism.png left-wing Peronists in general to Marxists, social democrats, radicals, File:Gay.png LGBT people, feminists and supporters of the File:LiberationTheo.png liberation theology). He had the support of Perón (although his exact level of involvement is debated, it is accepted that he was aware of the Triple A operations and even participated in the drafting and signing of a classified document declaring war against the "Marxist infiltrators" in the Peronist movement), the Italian anti-communist lodge "Propaganda Due" and the File:CIA.png CIA, having solid contact with Ambassador File:RepubUS.png Robert Hill, and engaging with the Triple A in the perpetration of acts of terrorism, torture, and kidnappings corresponded to a process of "internal purification" in the Peronist movement. López Rega was also known as "el Brujo" (the Warlock) due to his affinity with esotericism.

The activities of the Triple A began to dissipate when in 1975, after the resignation of López Rega due to the violent reactions to the economic plan of the then Minister of Economy File:Fiscon.png Celestino Rodrigo (the "Rodrigazo", an economic adjustment plan that caused a huge rise in inflation and shortages, in addition to strong opposition from the unions), squadrons of grenadiers (of the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers "General San Martín") raided the presidential headquarters and extracted an entire arsenal of weapons, forcing López Rega into exile in Spain after an emergency decree was signed to declare him an itinerant ambassador. With File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón in solitude, the File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png National Reorganization Process proceeded and López Rega alternated destinations after multiple extradition requests until he finally surrendered in Miami, being arrested by FBI agents and dying in Argentina on June 9, 1982.

File:SyndPron.png Syndicalist Peronism

"Syndicalist Peronism" or "union Peronism" is how the third branch of Peronism is called: the File:Synd.png syndicalist, considered the backbone of the movement. It is an ambiguous current, but predominantly left-wing economically (identified with anarcho-syndicalism and File:RevSynd.png revolutionary syndicalism) and socially progressive. It revolves around the figure of File:JuanPeron.png Juan Domingo Perón as the "first worker", defending the union of the workforce, the establishment of unions that protect the interests of workers and a state that guarantees the rights of workers as a fundamental part of Peronism.

It finds its roots in the nationalist-laborist expression (to which union leaders such as Alcides Montiel, Lucio Bonilla and File:Trot.png Cipriano Reyes joined) that preceded Peronism and in the alliance that the unified CGT (after the intervention and dissolution of the CGT No. 2 for supporting communist ideals considered "extreme") sought with the pro-union sectors of the military government of the Revolution of '43, and has been substantial for the birth, maintenance and general structure of the movement; being mostly represented by the modern File:CGT.png CGT.

After an essential participation in the first government of Perón (promoting the October 17 march and the constitutional reform of '49, catapulting Evita to the vice presidency, forming a union state in Chaco, etc), Peronist syndicalism would receive a hard blow with the File:StratoDictature-Antifurry.png Liberating Revolution of 1955. Aramburu would intervene in the unions, replacing them with anti-Peronist "comandos civiles ("civil commandos"); and after a failed "Congreso Normalizador" (Normalizing Congress), the CGT would suffer its first fracture, dividing into two groups:

The regional CGT of Córdoba, which at that time was the only one over which its workers had control, would organize the historic "Programa de La Falda" (Program of La Falda) in 1957, where they would define the File:SyndieSam.png labor movement as favorable towards the anti-imperialist ideas of the national liberation movements (aligned with the File:NAM.png NAM and the Third World) and as supporter of a File:PlannedEconomy.png planned state economy with strong participation of unions. As a result of this, a new generation of Peronist syndicalist leaders would emerge, among whom were included: Augusto Vandor (UOM), File:SyndPron.png Andrés Framini (AOT), File:SyndPron.png Amado Olmos (Health) and File:SyndPron.png Atilio López (Urban Collective Transport).

The national Peronist syndicalism, contained in the 62 Organizations, would be affected by another internal breakdown with Perón in exile:

By 1963, after the political system collapsed with a coup against Arturo Frondizi, who had applied the CONINTES (Internal State Commotion) plan to justify a repressive regime against File:Synd.png syndicalism and also defend himself from certain File:LeftTerrorist.png left-wing guerrillas, the CGT would be normalized under the presidency of Arturo Illia. He, however, would maintain a conflictive position with syndicalism; and when he was overthrown in 1966, the dictatorship of the File:StratoOligarchy.png "Argentine Revolution" would receive support from both factions of the national CGT (which the CGT Córdoba would oppose), until another internal discord would occur, grouping File:SyndPron.png Peronist syndicalism into two main factions:

Between 1969 and 1971, the Cordobazo and the Viborazo occurred, and Vandor was also murdered in the "Operation Judas." The idea of ​​a "Peronism without Perón" would then be discarded, but collaborationist practices would persist within the File:OrthSyndPron.png Peronist syndicalist orthodoxy (mainly thanks to Rogelio Coria) and the File:SyndPron.png 62 Organizations would be unified under the leadership of José Ignacio Rucci; with Lorenzo Miguel remaining in charge of the UOM. The tensions between the different factions of the CGT Córdoba would not cease, however.

File:LegalSyndPron.png Legalists and File:Leftunity.png independents (not-Peronists leftists) would finally reach an agreement to which the File:OrthPeron.png orthodox would not adhere, withdrawing to approach the national Peronist syndicalism and leaving the CGT Córdoba in the hands of legalist pluralism and independent "combativismo" ("combativism"). Rucci and Miguel would then ally themselves with the orthodox in the hope of unifying all the workers' confederations into a single CGT, counting on the adhesion of the workers of the dissolved File:RevSynd.png Sitrac-Sitram ("clasistas" or "classist" unions of Córdoba, of the revolutionary left, opposed to the dictatorship and from the Concord and Materfer companies).

Rucci would be assassinated by Montoneros in 1973 in the "Operation Traviata", and with Perón in his third presidency, the government would persecute combative and File:RevSynd.png revolutionary syndicalism. Perón would reform the union laws to establish a central, vertical and unified syndicalism while the conflict between File:OrthSyndPron.png orthodox and File:LegalSyndPron.png legalists persisted, which would lead to a campaign of terror by the File:RightPeronism.png Peronist Right (mainly the Triple A and finally to the Navarrazo. With the other syndicalist currents persecuted, the orthodox would gain control of the CGT until Perón's death in 1974, when File:Isabelita.png Isabel Perón would take over and discard the union policy of the File:Soccorp.png Social Pact to implement the Rodrigazo. Syndicalist Peronism would respond with multiple strikes, the situation calming down only with the appointment of File:ChristDemHum.png Antonio Cafiero as Minister of Economy; while the large business groups, on the other hand, would call for an employer lock-out that promoted forms of "economic subversion".[23]

With the File:NationalReorganizationProcess.png National Reorganization Process in control of the country, union leaders would be either disappeared or arrested and the unions would be intervened, while José Martínez de Hoz carried out an anti-syndicalist and gradualist economic plan inspired partially by the File:ChicagoSchool.png Chicago School and other File:New-Neoclassical.png neoliberal tendencies. Collective bargaining was suspended and labor rights were settled, with the CGT intervening and forcing syndicalism to reorganize into two sectors:

  • Confrontationism: confronted to the dictatorship, concentrated in the Commission of "the 25" and then in the CUTA (Conducción Única de los Trabajadores Argentinos) (Single Leadership of Argentine Workers) and the CGT-Brasil. Led by File:RevSynd.png Saúl Ubaldini.
  • File:Mil.png Dialoguism: in favor of dialoguing and negotiating with the dictatorship, concentrated in the CNT and then in the CGT-Azopardo. Led by Jorge Triaca Sr.

The CGT, having joined the File:SocGlob.png ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), received help from this organization and from others such as the File:SyndieSamChrist.png WCL (World Confederation of Labor). However, the File:ProlIntern.png WFTU (World Federation of Trade Unions) would remain neutral in this regard due to the strong commercial relationship between the File:Cball-USSR.png Soviet Union and the military dictatorship of File:Videla.png Jorge Videla and File:RobertoEduardoViola.png Roberto Viola.

The CGT-Brazil, despite its anti-dictatorship stance, would support the File:Cball-Falklands.png Falklands War under a patriotic vision, until the defeat and fall of the military government; it would then be that both File:CGT.png CGT (Brasil and Azopardo) would carry out a historic general strike to demand democratic elections. This would finally be achieved in 1983, with the victory of Alfonsín, who as a campaign strategy would denounce a "military-union" pact and oppose the Peronist unions in his presidency, sending a union law without consulting the Peronist syndicalism. The unions would respond with 13 consecutive strikes, forcing him to negotiate with them.

With Menem's victory in 1989, the CGT, surprised by its economic turnaround, would divide into a total of 4 groups:

All these historical currents (except the MTA) would be maintained from the Kirchnerist presidencies, also emerging the trend of File:MoyanoCamioneros.png "Aligned to Moyano" (from the leadership of Hugo and File:SyndieSam.png Pablo Moyano).

File:LibertarianPeronism.png Libertarian Peronism File:LeftBertPron.png

Libertarian Peronism is an umbrella term that encompasses the most anti-authoritarian and anti-bureaucratic expressions of the Peronist movement that claim the libertarian filaments of Perón, as a "driver of disorder" and supporter of the "state as a slave of the people", and adhere to his ideas under pragmatic reasons. Although it is usually used for satirical purposes, it is a term that can be attributed to the most radical Menemists such as Jorge Castro and left-wing libertarians such as Horacio González and multiple members of File:Montoneros.png la Tendencia. It can be summarized in three main trends: File:LibertarianPeronism.png Right-Wing Libertarian Peronism, File:LeftBertPron.png Left-Wing Libertarian Peronism and Anarcho-Peronism.

File:Schiaretti.png Peronism of Córdoba

"Peronismo Cordobés" (Peronism of Córdoba), also known as cordobesismo, is a regional current of Peronism that emerged in Córdoba in 1999, with the victory of José Manuel de la Sota in the provincial elections, which would begin an uninterrupted 24-year alternation between him and File:Schiaretti.png Juan Schiaretti. Although at first it maintained a political friendship with Néstor Kirchner, the movement would become contrary to File:Kirch.png Kirchernism after the "agrarian crisis" of 2008 [24], distancing itself to forge its own identity and carry out successful mandates in Córdoba that are currently continued by Martín Llaryora.

As an ideology it strongly adheres to the postulates of the Third Way, adopting an "anti-grieta" profile ("la grieta" refers to the political rift or chasm in Argentina) and encompassing positions from the center-left to the center-right, united under a federal ideal. It defends File:Socjust.png social justice and ideological plurality, believing in the common good, the strengthening of the provinces and a File:Soccap.png social market economy. It can be summarized in the following tenets:

Personality and Behaviour

Peronism is very formal, pragmatic and patriotic and you will see him boasting about the greatness of Argentina in every possible aspect. He praises File:JuanPeron.png General Perón whenever he can, has a picture of File:Evita.png Evita in his fridge and usually mocks radicals. He loves animals (mainly poodles), sports like football (his favorite teams are Boca Juniors and Racing) and fencing, asado, mate, tango, the potato pie, fiscal deficit and everything that is "national and popular".

He is usually calm, but will lose his composure at the slightest comparison with Nazis (despite harboring them) and harbors a deep hatred for English people, whom he usually calls "pirates" and insults because of the File:Cball-Falklands.png Malvinas. He can't stand gorillas and detests File:USImp.png Yankee imperialism.

Every October 17 he has a schizophrenic attack in which he accuses File:Kirch.png Kirchnerism and the rest of his children of not being true Peronists and not following the doctrine.

Flags

File:Peronism flag.svg
Flag of Peronism

Drawing

Drawing Peronism requires a few steps:

  1. Draw a ball
  2. Draw a Light-blue line and fill the right part with the same color and the left part with white.
  3. Draw the Justicialist symbol
  4. Add the eyes, and you're done!
Color NameHEXRGB
 Light-blue#74ACDFrgb(116, 172, 223)
 White#FFFFFFrgb(255, 255, 255)


Relationships

Friends

Frenemies

Enemies

Bibliography

Literature

Primary Literature

File:JuanPeron.png Juan Domingo Perón
Collection of Literature

Secondary Literature

Websites

File:Wikipedia.png Wikipedia

Online Communities

File:YouTube.png Videos

Organizations

Political Parties

Groups

Comics

Portraits

Portraits of Variants

Portraits of Alternate Designs

(here go portraits of the alternate designs of the ideology)

Compasses

Citations

Notes

  1. ↑ There is a joke that no one, not even Peronists themselves, can comprehend this ideology
  2. ↑ For peronism, "working class" is what communists would call "proletariat" and capitalists would call "poor and middle class" and "oligarchy" is what communists would call "bourgeoisie" and what capitalist would call "upper class"
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Cite of File:JuanPeron.png Juan Perón
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 Cite of File:Evita.png Evita Perón
  5. ↑ File:Manuel de Rosas.png Juan Manuel de Rosas and Facundo Quiroga were two of many federal 19th century caudillos, which most peronists highly respect.
  6. ↑ Popular peronist frase, specially among orthodox peronists.
  7. ↑ Phrase of peronist filmaker Leonardo Favio and overused by peronist in the internet.

References

  1. ↑ Néstor Kirchner's corruption cases
  2. ↑ Cristina Kirchner's corruption cases
  3. ↑ https://youtu.be/KsLcCau2-Sg
  4. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rodrigazo
  5. ↑ Biondini calls himself "Red Kalki"
  6. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qTrmaVOSnvE
  7. ↑ In July 2020, Cúneo reported the temporary disabling of his program "Uno Más Uno Tres" on the YouTube platform, following an interview with a German, Andreas Kalcker, who promotes the use of chlorine dioxide as a treatment for COVID-19.
  8. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JfDLclk_d_E
  9. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B8nT7wNH46c
  10. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bKyIp50oyS8&t=115s
  11. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SsfHqTbRTzg
  12. ↑ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kEZkLaxNKck
  13. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guillermo_Moreno#Trial_and_resignation
  14. ↑ https://www.reddit.com/r/argentina/comments/18qx6h7/por_qu%C3%A9_guillermo_moreno_est%C3%A1_tan_obsesionado_con/
  15. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nelly_Rivas
  16. ↑ It has been traditional in journalism and historiography to oppose Peronists and Radicals. However, several Radical forces and politicians integrated into or formed alliances with Peronism: both Juan D. Perón and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner had Radical vice presidents, while Perón and the Radical president Arturo Frondizi maintained a long policy of alliances.
  17. ↑ Not kidding, she dropped out after 5th grade of school.
  18. ↑ Another Peronist who did not finish primary school.
  19. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intransigent_Party
  20. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Democratic_Party_(Argentina)
  21. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Integration_and_Development_Movement
  22. ↑ https://www.batimes.com.ar/news/argentina/indec-case-guillermo-moreno-sentenced-to-3-years-imprisonment-and-6-year-disqualification-from-public-office.phtml
  23. ↑ https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/argentina/140275186/economic-subversion-law-20840---derogation---full-text-of-the-norm.html
  24. ↑ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2008_Argentine_agrarian_strike

pl:Peronizm zh:庇隆主义

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