National Syndicalism

“The sense of our idea is this: Destroying the principle that founded the modern economy, that imposed on nations the capitalist regime and subordinated all human values to the value of gold; to found a new economy which will be a national economy and which will judge all the institutions which grow from the economy in keeping with the guarantees they assure French blood.”
George Valois

National Syndicalism is an economically left, nationalist, authoritarian and culturally right ideology. It emerged from the tendency of revolutionary syndicalists to ally with integral nationalists. It opposes Capitalism, liberal democracy and, usually, Secularism. The ideology is usually associated with either Integralism or Fascism.

Beliefs

National syndicalism is a political ideology that combines nationalist doctrine with the economic structure of syndicalism. It promotes the organization of society through worker syndicates or corporations while placing those structures within a strongly unified national state. Supporters argue that this synthesis resolves the conflict between class-based socialism and nationalist political movements by integrating labor organization with national solidarity.

A central belief of national syndicalism is the rejection of liberal democracy and parliamentary systems. Adherents argue that multiparty competition and electoral politics fragment society into competing interest groups, weakening national unity and encouraging short-term political thinking. National syndicalists claim that a state structured around productive institutions—such as labor syndicates, guilds, and industrial councils—creates a more stable and coherent political order. In this framework, representation emerges from economic roles rather than party affiliation, meaning workers, technicians, farmers, and professionals participate in governance through their respective syndicates.

The ideology places strong emphasis on national unity. National syndicalists maintain that class struggle weakens the nation by pitting workers against employers and institutions. Instead, they promote a concept of national solidarity in which all productive sectors collaborate for collective advancement. The nation is viewed as an organic community composed of interdependent social groups. Labor organizations therefore function as pillars of national strength rather than instruments of revolutionary class conflict.

Economically, national syndicalism advocates the organization of production through syndicates representing specific industries or trades. These syndicates often control workplace management, labor relations, and aspects of economic planning within their sector. Unlike orthodox socialism, which typically calls for full state ownership of industry, national syndicalism emphasizes functional management by workers and technical experts organized in syndical bodies. However, these bodies operate within a national framework directed or coordinated by the state to ensure alignment with broader economic goals.

State authority plays a significant role in national syndicalist thought. The state acts as the ultimate coordinator of economic life, ensuring that syndicates operate in accordance with national priorities. This structure is intended to prevent economic fragmentation or sectoral competition that could undermine national development. In practice, national syndicalists often envision a corporative system in which syndicates send representatives to national councils responsible for economic planning and legislation related to labor and production.

National syndicalists frequently frame labor as a moral and civic duty. Work is viewed as a fundamental component of national life, linking individuals to the collective destiny of the state. The dignity of labor becomes a central value, and economic organization is structured to reinforce the social importance of productive activity. This belief reflects syndicalism’s historical emphasis on worker empowerment, though national syndicalists reinterpret that principle through a nationalist lens.

The ideology also emphasizes discipline, hierarchy, and collective purpose. While workers participate in the management of industries through syndicates, the broader national structure remains hierarchical. Leadership and coordination flow through centralized institutions designed to maintain unity and direction. National syndicalists argue that such hierarchy allows complex industrial societies to function effectively while still incorporating worker representation.

Culturally, national syndicalism often promotes traditional identity, national heritage, and shared historical memory. These cultural elements are viewed as essential for maintaining social cohesion. The nation is treated as a historical and cultural entity that must be preserved and strengthened through collective effort. Cultural unity is therefore considered an important complement to economic organization.

Another defining belief involves opposition to both liberal capitalism and orthodox Marxist socialism. National syndicalists criticize capitalism for concentrating wealth and political influence in private hands, which they believe undermines worker dignity and national autonomy. At the same time, they reject internationalist socialism for prioritizing class identity over national belonging. National syndicalism presents itself as a third approach that combines worker organization with patriotic commitment.

Supporters often argue that syndicalist economic organization encourages efficiency and responsibility within industries. Because workers participate directly in managing production, they are believed to have stronger incentives to improve productivity and maintain quality. Technical experts and managers may also be integrated into syndicates, creating cooperative relationships between labor and specialized knowledge.

Finally, national syndicalism frames itself as a system aimed at social harmony and national regeneration. Its advocates claim that organizing society around labor syndicates aligned with national goals eliminates the instability associated with class conflict and partisan politics. The ideology seeks to construct a political order in which economic institutions, cultural identity, and state authority operate as interconnected elements serving the development and strength of the nation.

Variants

Fascist Syndicalism

Fascist Syndicalism, also known as Left-Fascism, was created by group of syndicalist leaders, including: Edmondo Rossoni, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Alceste De Ambris and Guido Pighetti. It was heavily influenced by ideas of Georges Sorel. While Mussolini's fascism shifted towards Corporatism, fascist syndicalists supported the class struggle, workers' ownship of the means of productions and were hostile towards industrialists.

Seem as radical and leftists among fascists, Rossoni argued that syndicates (workers' unions) should have key role in fascist revolution. In this philosophy, the important part was played by "Proletarian nation" concept, created by Enrico Corradini. The idea described Italy as being productive, morally vigorous, and inclined to bold action, traits which Corrardini considered to be characteristics associated with the proletariat.

Totalism

Main Article: Totalism

Totalism is fictional socialist ideology, appearing in alternative history mods for Hearts of Iron IV - namely Kaiserreich and Kaiserredux. It beliefs that transition to true syndicalist society can be achieved only with proletariat being the driving force of such change. However, it differs from "mainstream" Syndicalism because of Totalism's emphasis on centralisation of power, militarization of economy and support for totalitarian state.

Nazi Syndicalism

The first Nazi workers' union was National Socialist Factory Cell Organization, or NSBZO, led by Walter Schuhmann. It was founded as an alternative to social democratic and Christian unions, but was far less successful. Slogan of the organisation was "Hinein in die Betriebe!" meaning "Into the Factories!" and shortened to "Hib'. While generally not successful, NSBZO had significant support in some regions and there it organized strikes, for example 1932 Berlin transport strike. Another example of region where organisation was successful could be Nordhorn - a textile industrial city in Lower Saxony. NSBZO's section there was one of branches displaying ideology similar to National Bolshevism, hoping that after national revolution there will be a social one, overthrowing old elites.

After Nazis took power, all independent labour union were banned. Soon, the process of Gleichschaltung (or cooperation) began - it was meant to bring these unions into line with policy of new government. Soon, NSBZO was merged into new organisation meant to be sole workers' union - German Labour Front (DAF), led by Robert Ley. Though Ley himself had no experience in labour relations and Hitler signed decree outlawing strikes, DAF enabled many policies aiming to improve life of a worker. Examples are: providing workers' with cheaper tickets for trips to foreign countries or constructing summer resort complexes and spa. Even though number of people taking holiday cruises increased, the employers were allowed to refuse worker's request for his workbook - if such situation occurred, it made it impossible for the worker to quit his job.

DAF had many sub-organisations, with two being most significant ones. These were:

- Strength through Joy, which was giving workers cheap or free holidays. Additionally, it subsided sporting and leisure facilities.

- Beauty of Labour, which renovated outdated factories, created smoking-free rooms and new canteens for workers, as well as kept workplaces clean.

Robert Ley began his career as follower of Strasserism, but changed his views. As a head of DAF, he gave even more power to employers and closely cooperated with Hitler in fight against syndicalist tendencies within NSBZO.

History

Cercle Proudhon

Founded in 1911 Cercle Proudhon was inspired by ideas of Georges Sorel, Charles Maurras and a selective reading of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Its leaders, Georges Valois and Édouard Berth, mixed syndicalism with nationalism - thus Cercle was one of first national syndicalist groups. The group published bulletin entitled Cahiers du cercle Proudhon (Notebooks of the Proudhon Circle). Among members of group were militant monarchist Henri Lagrange, nationalist philosopher Gilbert Mayor and other associates of Action Française movement. Cercle was dissolved in 1925.

Ideology of Cercle Proudhon was strongly anti-democratic and syndicalist. It was influenced by both Sorelianism and Integral Nationalism. Cercle is sometimes described as proto-Fascist.

Italian National Syndicalism

In the early 20th century, nationalists and syndicalists were increasingly influencing each other in Italy. From 1902 to 1910, a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists including Arturo Labriola, Agostino Lanzillo, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni and Sergio Panunzio sought to unify the Italian nationalist cause with the syndicalist cause and had entered into contact with Italian nationalist figures such as Enrico Corradini. These Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism, and pacifism while promoting heroism, vitalism, and violence. Not all Italian revolutionary syndicalists joined the Fascist cause, but most syndicalist leaders eventually embraced nationalism and "were among the founders of the Fascist movement," where "many even held key posts" in Mussolini's regime. Benito Mussolini declared in 1909 that he had converted over to revolutionary syndicalism by 1904 during a general strike.

Enrico Corradini promoted a form of national syndicalism that utilized Maurassian nationalism alongside the syndicalism of Georges Sorel. Corradini spoke of the need for a national syndicalist movement that would be able to solve Italy's problems, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action through a willingness to fight. Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" nations of France and the United Kingdom. Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI) that claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption within its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism". The ANI held ties and influence amongst conservatives, Catholics, and the business community.

A number of Italian fascist leaders began to relabel national syndicalism as Fascist syndicalism. Mussolini was one of the first to disseminate this term, explaining that "Fascist syndicalism is national and productivistic… in a national society in which labor becomes a joy, an object of pride and a title to nobility." By the time Edmondo Rossoni became secretary-general of the General Confederation of Fascist Syndical Corporations in December 1922, other Italian national syndicalists were adopting the "Fascist syndicalism" phrase in their aim at "building and reorganizing political structures… through a synthesis of State and labor". An early leader in Italian trade unionism, Rossoni and other fascist syndicalists not only took the position of radical nationalism, but favored "class struggle". Seen at the time as "radical or leftist elements," Rossoni and his syndicalist cadre had "served to some extent to protect the immediate economic interests of the workers and to preserve their class consciousness". Rossoni was dismissed from his post in 1928, which could have been due to his powerful leadership position in the Fascist unions, and his hostilities to the business community, occasionally referring to industrialists as "vampires" and "profiteers".

With the outbreak of World War I, Sergio Panunzio noted the national solidarity within France and Germany that suddenly arose in response to the war and claimed that should Italy enter the war, the Italian nation would become united and would emerge from the war as a new nation in a "Fascio nazionale" (national union) that would be led by an aristocracy of warrior-producers that would unite Italians of all classes, factions, and regions into a disciplined socialism.

In November 1918, Mussolini defined national syndicalism as a doctrine that would unite economic classes into a program of national development and growth.

Partido Auténtico

Cuban Revolutionary Party – Authentic (PRC-A), also known as Partido Auténtico, was led by Ramón Grau. The party emerged after nationalist Revolution of 1933. PRC-A became part of political mainstream, winning 1939 Constitutional Assembly election as part of Opposition Front coalition. Thus, it became the largest party in Assembly. Cuban Constitution of 1940 was influenced by nationalistic ideas of Partido Auténtico. After general election in the same year, party won most seats in Chamber of Representatives. However, Grau didn't win presidential election in the same year. Two year later, party finished third in parliamentary election, winning only 10 seats. In 1944, party won most seats in parliament with Gru winning the presidency. Two years later, PRC-A won the mid-term election.

Party slowly started to loose support after 1948 election, when it had to align with Republican Party to win the presidency. In 1950 mid-terms, PRC-A formed difficult alliance with Democratic Party and Liberal Party. This election was the last to be won by Partido Auténtico - the next election, one in 1954, was won by National Progressive Coalition.

The party was social democratic, left-wing populist and Cuban nationalist. Its slogan was "Cuba para los cubanos" (meaning: "Cuban for Cubans"). Economically it was syndicalist and had elements of corporatism.

Polish National Syndicalism

National Syndicalism in Poland can be found among national-radical parties and organisations. One such example can be interwar RNR-Falanga led by Bolesław Piasecki. In contemporary Poland, national syndicalism is present in ideas of National Rebirth of Poland.

Another group influenced by national syndicalism, but unconnected to national-radicalism, are Polish autonomous nationalists.

Party of National Socialists

Party of National Socialists (PNS) was founded in 1933 in interwar Poland. At first party was led by Fryderyk Fiałkiewicz. It was founded as a merger of splinter group from National Workers' Party, Bielsk's members of National Socialist Party and Kraków faction of National Socialist Workers' Party. PNS' newspaper was "National Socialist", party's members wore grey shirts. Symbol of party was sickle, hammer and sword. During World War II, members of PNS were murdered by Germans for resisting the occupation.

Although the party referred to itself as "national socialist", its ideology was not inspired by Nazism. PNS was nationalist, opposed to Germany, anti-Semitic and democratic. Its goal was to give power to Polish working class by agrarian reform, nationalization of large industry and parliamentarian democracy. PNS supported tolerance of Slavic minorities, creating international bloc of Slavic countries and then federation of national-socialist republics.

Polish National Syndicalist Camp

Founded in Warsaw in the end of 1939, Polish National Syndicalist Camp (PONS) was nationalist resistance organisation active mainly in North Mazovia. Organisation was political-military one, and was led by Sławomir Kublicki. In 1942, he was arrested by Germans and its branch in Warsaw was destroyed. Kublicki was replaced by Colonel Ryszard Borowy. Since destruction of its part in Warsaw, branch in North Mazovia developed independently until Stanisław Borodzicz (important member of PONS) contacted with Stanisław Nakoniecznikoff-Klukowski, representative of National Armed Forces. In December the same year, PONS was merged into National Armed Forces.

Spanish National Syndicalism

Main Article: Falangism

In Spain the National Syndicalist thought was inspired by Integralism and ideas of Action Française. Its main theorist was Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, founder of Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Councils of National-Syndicalist Offensive}. Both Ramos and his fellow party leader Onésimo Redondo were fascists.

His party, also known as JONS, began slow expansion by forming multiple labour unions. The largest one was Agrarian Trade Union Federation. JONS' main newspaper, Libertad, was pro-Nazi (reproduced writings of Hitler) and strongly anti-Semitic (published Protocols of the Elders of Zion).

In 1934, JONS party merged with Falange Española, creating Falange de las JONS.

How to Draw

Cercle Proudhon Eagle design

Draw a ball.
Fill the ball with black.
Draw the Cercle Proudhon eagle in red.
Draw the eyes and you're done!

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Black	#141414	rgb(20, 20, 20)
	Red	#FF0000	rgb(255, 0, 0)

Portuguese design

Draw a ball
Color it blue
In the center, draw a white circle
In the circle, draw a red outline of a cross
Add the eyes and you're done

	HEX	RGB
Blue	#00309A	rgb(0, 48, 154)
White	#FFFFFF	rgb(255, 255, 255)
Red	#D72821	rgb(215, 40, 33)

JONS design

Draw a ball
Fill it black
Draw 8 red spokes
Draw a black circle in the middle
Draw a white claw
Add the eyes

	HEX	RGB
Black	#141414	rgb(20, 20, 20)
Red	#DB0A13	rgb(219, 10, 19)
White	#FFFFFF	rgb(255, 255, 255)

Relations

Friends

Nationalism - My nation will always go first!
Syndicalism - Syndicalism will destroy the capitalism!
Sorelianism - A huge influence on most of us, especially on Cercle Proudhon.
Fascism - You did a good job with the nationalized syndicates, yet I cannot comprehend the Hegelian dialectics of your ideology. Though, Bombacci was basically perfect.
Falangism - My Spanish son.
British Fascism - My British incarnation.
Integral Nationalism - My good old friend.
Monarcho-Syndicalism - Tradition and Syndicalism? Mega Based!
Reactionary Socialism & Conservative Socialism - Best type of socialism.
Neosocialism - I prefer you over him.
Christian Socialism - Not nationalist enough but based.
Socialized Economy - I am the true socialization of the industries.
National Distributism - Smaller industries are easier to unionize.
Futurism - Totalism and Sansepolcrismo support you.

Frenemies

National Party - Cringe nazcap but at least we ~~used to~~ work together in South Africa.
Mutualism - I owe most of my inspiration to you! ~~Wait, why are you looking at me weird?~~
Welfare Chauvinism - Good direction by far, you are slowly getting there. But you have to completely reject the free market.
Francoism - You abandoned syndicalism for him!?
Anarcho-Syndicalism - Degenerate anarchist, but he also supports the unions. Also Alceste De Ambris is literally you.
Lys Noir - Looks like the above finally took some of my advice. Still an degenerate anarchist though.
French Fascism - I thought he would follow my ideology but he betrayed France.
Marxism–Leninism - You have some good ideas but I am not a Nazi.
National Conservatism - I agree with Corradini's concept of a proletarian nation! But be more pro-unionist.
Left-Wing Nationalism - As long as you stick to opposing neoliberalism, globalisation and economic migration then you are great for my union.
National Bolshevism - Syndicates should still have an important role in the national economy, but still be decent overall.
Strasserism - A bit too racialist on social issues, not to mention you're associated with Nazis, but I would take you over them.
Marxism - I like the idea of class struggle but not the historical materialism.
National Communism - I like some of your views and we both hate Batista. But stop calling me a fash.
Socialism - You taught me how to strike and I respect you for that, but please embrace nationalism.
Yellow Socialism - Syndicalist and Nationalist? Based! But capitalism is cringe.
Nazism - Even worse when you put racialism over syndicalist ideals. But you and Mussolini were a good help for the Spanish National Syndicalists.
Christian Social Democracy and Christian Trade Unionism - Cut it with this democracy trash and we are good.

Enemies

Capitalism - Dehumanizing system!
Neoliberalism - Your economic and social policies are revolting.
Neoconservatism - Fake conservative, he leaves economic disasters wherever he goes.
Progressivism - A tool to legitimize the rule of the bourgeoisie.
Pink Capitalism - See this is what I told you.
State Liberalism - Literally all the above combined into one abomination.
Batistaism - Like the above. And you also couped me.^[2]
Italian Left Communism - Revisionism is fine cry about it.
National Capitalism - You're not a nationalist. You are just a racialist capitalist.