Machiavellianism

For the Philosophyball page, see File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Machiavellianism.

"Covenants, without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all."

File:Fishe.png Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Part II, Chapter XVII)

"Thus it is well to seem merciful, faithful, humane, religious, sincere, and also to be so; but you must have the mind so disposed that when it is needful to be otherwise you may be able to change to the opposite qualities."

File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince (Chapter XVIII)

Machiavellianism, often referred to as (Political) Opportunism or Realism, is a File:Nonquadrant.png non-quadrant political ideology representing an approach that prioritizes the acquisition and maintenance of power, often through File:Pragmat.png pragmatic or File:Self.png self-serving strategies. This approach emphasizes the practical application of political skills and decisions - what could be described as a focus on "political praxis" over ideological consistency or File:Morality.png moral considerations. Notably, Machiavellianism does not strictly adhere to the specific beliefs of File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Niccolò Machiavelli himself; rather, it reflects an acknowledgment of the hard realities Machiavelli observed in politics, including the complex interplay of File:Powerism.png power, File:Nooc.png strategy, and File:Humanismpix.png human nature. It is also crucial to understand that Machiavellian principles are not limited to a particular type of political or social structure. They can manifest within a broad range of socio-political systems, including File:Feud.png feudal monarchies , democratic republics , capitalist corporations , Marxist-Leninist and Fascist one-party states File:UniParti.png, and even anarchist communities. This adaptability underscores the File:Universal.png universality of Machiavellian tactics, as they address fundamental, core aspects of political behavior that transcend ideological boundaries and historical periods. In essence, Machiavellianism operates wherever power dynamics are at play, highlighting the timeless and versatile nature of its principles across diverse political landscapes.

File:Historian.png History

File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, more well known as just Niccolò Machiavelli, was a Florentine diplomat, writer, and philosopher whose works remain foundational in political theory. Born in 1469 amidst the volatile political dynamics of File:RenaissanceHumanism.png Renaissance Florence, Machiavelli’s position as a civil servant and diplomat afforded him unique insights into the File:Pragmat.png pragmatic nature of governance. His experiences within the political turbulence of Italy, where shifting alliances and power struggles were common, heavily influenced his views on leadership and File:Statist.png statecraft. Over time, his observations would crystallize into writings that sharply deviated from the File:IdealismPhil.png idealistic traditions of classical political thought, focusing instead on the practical and often harsh realities that rulers face in the pursuit of power and stability.

At the heart of Machiavelli's approach lies a deep engagement with File:Realism.png the world as it is, not as it should be. This perspective, which placed a premium on direct observation and the analysis of political events as they unfolded, led him to draw from the lived experiences of past rulers. Rather than theorizing about an abstract ideal of the state or the File:Virtue ethics icon.png virtues of rulers, Machiavelli sought to understand and respond to the complexities of political life as it was actually practiced. This approach was shaped by a growing interest during the Renaissance in File:Empiricism.png the tangible and the observable, replacing idealized visions of governance with a focus on what could be learned through concrete experience. In this sense, his writings reflect an empirical approach to understanding political power - a shift that emphasized the importance of facts and historical examples over speculative reasoning.

Alongside this, Machiavelli's political theory was marked by a pragmatic orientation that prioritized the effectiveness of rulers' actions over their File:Morality.png moral alignment with established norms. While earlier thinkers often framed political decisions within a framework of ethical absolutes, Machiavelli’s focus was squarely on the outcomes of those decisions. He recognized that in the volatile political environment of Renaissance Italy, rulers were often compelled to make choices that, while seemingly immoral, were necessary for the survival of the state. This File:Utility.png utilitarian bent - File:Consequentialism.png one concerned more with results than principles - suggests an outlook that was less concerned with whether actions adhered to traditional ethical standards, and more focused on their ability to secure power and maintain stability. The emphasis on consequences over intentions reflects an understanding of politics not as a moral enterprise, but as a strategic game, where the end often justifies the means.

This emphasis on the practical and outcome-driven nature of politics also intersects with a view of human nature that leans toward the assumption that File:Self.png individuals act primarily out of self-interest and are File:Consequentialism.png shaped by the conditions around them. Machiavelli’s political advice was informed by a view that File:Humanismpix.png human beings, and by extension, rulers, are largely driven by personal ambition, fear, and desire for power. This realistic appraisal of human nature - viewing people as subjects of their environment rather than moral agents governed by an internal compass - made Machiavelli particularly attentive to the contingencies that might shape political outcomes. His counsel to rulers, urging them to be File:Pragmat.png flexible File:Realpolitik.png, ruthless File:Terrorist.png when necessary, and always attentive to the changing nature of power, mirrors a conception of leadership rooted in the understanding that individuals and states are not fixed entities but are instead shaped by external forces and circumstances.

Simultaneously, Machiavelli’s work also stands apart in its embrace of secular authority, reflecting the broader intellectual currents of the Renaissance. Rejecting the medieval view that File:Monotheism.png divine authority should play a central role in governance, Machiavelli's works present political authority as something that arises from File:SecularHumanism.png human action and reason, not divine mandate. This secular approach allowed him to conceive of politics as a realm where human agency, rather than divine intervention, is paramount. For Machiavelli, the ruler’s ability to manipulate, control, and adapt to changing circumstances was the key to maintaining power, a view that was grounded not in File:MetaphRealism.png metaphysical or File:Theology.png theological arguments, but in File:Realism.png practical, human-driven realities. In this regard, Machiavelli's writings echo a broader Renaissance shift away from religious explanations of political life, focusing instead on the power of human ingenuity and decision-making.

In synthesizing these various strands, Machiavelli constructed a distinctive political philosophy that remained firmly grounded in reality. His focus on File:Empiricism.png empirical observation and File:Historian.png historical analysis led him to a pragmatic understanding of File:KraterMerit.png power dynamics while his strategic outlook placed emphasis on File:Consequentialism.png outcomes rather than on File:IdealismPhil.png ideals. The secular, human-centered lens through which he viewed governance allowed him to approach politics as a realm for human actors, subject to the demands of necessity and circumstance. This confluence of intellectual traditions culminated in a body of work that, while shaped by the currents of Renaissance thought, departed from them in significant ways.

Foundations

Machiavellians are not consistent ideologically. They seek to achieve a goal and get the necessary power to do it.

After his exile from political life in 1512, File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Machiavelli took to a life of writing, which led to the publishing of his most famous work, The Prince. The book would become infamous for its recommendations for absolute rulers to be ready to act in unscrupulous ways, such as resorting to fraud and treachery, elimination of political opponents, and File:Terrorist.png the usage of fear as a means of controlling subjects. Machiavelli's view that acquiring a state and maintaining it may require evil yet necessary means has been noted as the chief theme of the treatise. For many, he has become infamous for this advice, so much so that the adjective Machiavellian would later on describe a type of politics that is "marked by cunning, duplicity, or bad faith".

While Machiavelli has become widely popular for his work on principalities, his other major work, The Discourses on Livy, focused mainly on republican statecraft, and his recommendations for a well ordered republic. Machiavelli noted how free republics have power structures that are better than principalities. He also notes how advantageous a government by a republic could be as opposed to just a single ruler. However, Machiavelli's more controversial statements on politics can also be found even in his other works. For example, Machiavelli notes that sometimes extraordinary means, such as violence, can be used in re-ordering a corrupt city. In one area, he praises Romulus, who murdered his brother and co-ruler in order to have power by himself to found the city of Rome. In a few passages he sometimes explicitly acts as an advisor of tyrants as well.

Some scholars have even asserted that the goal of his ideal republic does not differ greatly from his principality, as both rely on rather ruthless measures for aggrandizement and empire.

In one passage of The Prince, Machiavelli subverts the advice given by Cicero to avoid duplicity and violence, by saying that the prince should "be the fox to avoid the snares, and a lion to overwhelm the wolves". It would become one of Machiavelli's most notable statements.

Because cruelty and deception play such important roles in his politics, it is not unusual for related issues—such as murder and betrayal—to rear their heads with regularity.

Machiavelli's own concept of virtue, which he calls "virtù", is original and is usually seen by scholars as different from the traditional viewpoints of other political philosophers. Virtú can consist of any quality at the moment that helps a ruler maintain his state, even being ready to engage in necessary evil when it is advantageous.

Due to the treatise's controversial analysis on politics, in 1559, the Catholic Church banned The Prince, putting it on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum.

Machiavelli criticized and rejected what he believed to be a perversion of Christian thought as he viewed that they celebrated humility and otherworldly things, and thus it made the Italians of his day "weak and effeminate". While Machiavelli's own religious allegiance has been debated, it is assumed that he had a low regard of contemporary Christianity.

Variants

File:Pragmat.png Pragmatism

Pragmatism emerged in the late nineteenth century as a distinctive philosophical movement in the United States, emphasizing practical consequences, empirical inquiry, and the evolving nature of truth. Its foundations were laid by thinkers such as Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, and later expanded by John Dewey. Rather than treating philosophical ideas as abstract or eternal truths, pragmatists argued that beliefs should be evaluated by their observable effects and usefulness in real-world situations.

The early development of pragmatism was shaped by intellectual debates within nineteenth-century philosophy and science. Thinkers such as Peirce argued that meaning and truth could not be separated from practical experience and experimentation. This perspective was deeply rooted in File:Empiricism.pngempiricism, the view that knowledge originates from observation and experience rather than purely rational deduction. For pragmatists, ideas functioned as tools for navigating the world rather than fixed metaphysical doctrines.

Pragmatism also developed in a broader scientific environment influenced by the rise of modern biology. The publication of Charles Darwin’s evolutionary theory transformed how many intellectuals understood knowledge, society, and human development. Pragmatist philosophers embraced elements of File:Darwin.pngDarwinism, seeing human thought and institutions as adaptive processes shaped by changing environments. From this perspective, ideas and moral systems evolved over time in response to practical challenges rather than reflecting timeless truths.

Because of this evolutionary outlook, pragmatists often rejected the metaphysical tradition associated with Plato. Classical Platonic philosophy had emphasized eternal, ideal forms existing beyond the physical world. Pragmatists, by contrast, argued that such abstractions distracted from the real processes through which knowledge develops. This led to a philosophical stance sometimes described as anti-Platonism, in which truth is not an unchanging entity but something continually tested through human inquiry and social practice.

Within this framework, pragmatism also incorporated a degree of File:Relativism.pngrelativism, though not in the sense of denying truth entirely. Instead, pragmatists maintained that truths emerge from specific historical and social contexts and remain open to revision as new evidence appears. William James famously described truth as something that “happens to an idea,” meaning that beliefs become true insofar as they successfully guide action and solve problems.

During the twentieth century, pragmatism expanded beyond philosophy into fields such as education, politics, and social reform. John Dewey applied pragmatic principles to democratic governance and educational theory, arguing that schools and political institutions should function as laboratories for experimentation and collective problem-solving. In this sense, pragmatism became not only a theory of knowledge but also a broader method for addressing social and political questions through experience, dialogue, and empirical testing.

Across its history, pragmatism maintained a consistent emphasis on the dynamic relationship between ideas and practical life. By grounding philosophy in empirical observation, evolutionary thinking, and the continual testing of beliefs, pragmatism offered an alternative to rigid ideological systems and metaphysical certainty. Its influence continues to shape debates in philosophy, social science, and public policy, particularly in discussions about how knowledge evolves and how societies adapt to changing conditions.

File:Realism.png Realism

Realism (international relations), often associated with the concept of Realpolitik, is a school of international relations that emphasizes power, national interest, and the constraints imposed by an anarchic international system. Rather than focusing on moral ideals or universal norms, realism argues that states act primarily to ensure their survival and security. This tradition has influenced diplomacy and strategic thinking for centuries, drawing on ideas developed by political theorists and statesmen across Europe and beyond.

One of the philosophical foundations of realism can be traced to the political theory of Thomas Hobbes. In his work Leviathan, Hobbes described human life in a state of nature as characterized by insecurity and competition. Realist thinkers later applied similar reasoning to international relations, arguing that because there is no global authority capable of enforcing rules among sovereign states, the international system resembles a condition of perpetual uncertainty. This interpretation of world politics is often described as File:Fishe.pngHobbesian, emphasizing rivalry, distrust, and the constant need for self-preservation.

The modern concept of Realpolitik gained prominence in nineteenth-century European diplomacy, particularly in the policies of figures such as Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck’s foreign policy prioritized strategic calculation and balance of power rather than ideological commitments. His diplomacy aimed to maintain stability through shifting alliances and pragmatic negotiation, illustrating how power considerations often override moral or ideological objectives in international affairs.

In the twentieth century, realism became a dominant theoretical framework within international relations scholarship. Scholars such as Hans Morgenthau argued that political leaders must base foreign policy on national interest defined in terms of power. Morgenthau and other realists criticized liberal internationalism, which promoted international institutions, legal norms, and collective security as solutions to global conflict. Realists contended that such approaches underestimate the persistent role of power competition among states.

Realist thinking also shaped debates about global political structure. Many realists view File:Multipolarity.pngmultipolarity, a system with several major powers, as a more stable arrangement than one dominated by a single hegemonic state. According to this perspective, multiple centers of power create a balance that discourages any one state from pursuing unchecked expansion. At the same time, realists generally emphasize sovereignty, arguing that states must retain control over their internal affairs and strategic decisions in order to protect their national interests.

Within realist theory there is also debate over the proper level of international involvement. Some realists advocate forms of non-interventionism, warning that excessive foreign entanglements can weaken a state’s strategic position or provoke unnecessary conflict. Others accept limited forms of imperial influence or strategic intervention when they believe it advances national security or preserves the balance of power. These differences reflect ongoing tension between pragmatic restraint and the pursuit of geopolitical advantage.

Critics of realism sometimes accuse it of promoting a worldview that privileges force and military power above ethical considerations. This criticism is occasionally framed that File:Krater.pngpolitical authority ultimately rests on strength or coercion. Realists generally reject this characterization, arguing instead that their approach simply recognizes the realities of international competition rather than endorsing domination for its own sake.

Realism has continued to evolve in contemporary international relations theory. Modern realists debate issues such as the emergence of new global powers, the decline of unipolar dominance, and the strategic implications of technological change. Despite these developments, the core insight of the realist tradition remains the same: international politics is shaped primarily by power, security, and the strategic calculations of sovereign states operating within a competitive global system.

File:Libhawk.png George F. Kennan Doctrine

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File:ZhouEnlai.png Zhou Enlai Thought

Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) was one of the most influential political leaders of the People’s Republic of China and one of the central architects of its early political and diplomatic strategy. Over the course of his long revolutionary career—from the fall of the Qing dynasty through the Chinese Civil War and into the decades of Communist rule—Zhou developed a distinctive governing style that blended Marxist-Leninist ideology with pragmatic administrative techniques, technological modernization, and strategic diplomacy.

Zhou Enlai’s political worldview emerged during the revolutionary turmoil of early twentieth-century China. Born in the late Qing period, he grew up during the collapse of imperial authority and the rise of competing revolutionary movements. As a young intellectual he was influenced by the nationalist and anti-imperialist spirit of the May Fourth Movement, which inspired a generation of Chinese students to seek radical political solutions to national weakness and foreign domination.

During the 1920s Zhou joined the Chinese Communist Party, embracing Marxism-Leninism as a framework for revolutionary transformation. Like many early Chinese communists, he initially worked within the First United Front between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang, which aimed to unify China and defeat warlordism. Within this alliance Zhou collaborated particularly with the more left-leaning elements of the Kuomintang, a relationship sometimes described as sympathy toward the Left-Wing Kuomintang, which advocated stronger social reforms and cooperation with communist organizers.

However, the fragile alliance collapsed during the violent anti-communist purges of the late 1920s. The resulting conflict escalated into the Chinese Civil War, during which Zhou became one of the Communist Party’s most skilled political organizers and diplomats.

Role in the Maoist Revolutionary State

Following the Communist victory in 1949 and the proclamation of the People's Republic of China, Zhou Enlai became the country’s first premier and one of its most powerful political administrators. While Mao Zedong served as the ideological and symbolic leader of the revolution, Zhou was widely regarded as the regime’s chief manager and diplomat.

In the new government Zhou helped build the institutions of a File:UniParti.pngone-party state dominated by the Chinese Communist Party. This structure placed ultimate political authority in the hands of the party leadership while integrating the military, bureaucracy, and economic system under centralized control.

At the same time Zhou supported the principle of File:CollectiveLeadership.pngcollective leadership within the party elite. Although Mao possessed enormous personal authority, Zhou often worked to ensure that policy decisions involved consultation among senior officials. This balancing act—maintaining loyalty to Mao while preserving institutional stability—became a defining feature of Zhou’s political style.

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Authoritarian Developmentalism and Industrial Modernization

One of the most important aspects of Zhou Enlai’s political outlook was his commitment to rapid national modernization. After decades of war and economic fragmentation, the Chinese leadership viewed industrial development as essential for national survival.

Zhou supported a model often described as authoritarian developmentalism: a system in which a centralized state directs economic transformation through planning, infrastructure construction, and technological investment. Under this framework the government sought to mobilize labor, capital, and scientific expertise to accelerate industrial growth.

This developmental approach was linked to industrialism and large-scale economic planning. The Chinese government launched ambitious industrial projects, built state-owned factories, and developed heavy industry in order to strengthen national self-sufficiency.

Although China’s early economic policies followed Soviet-inspired planning models, Zhou gradually supported adjustments that allowed more flexibility within the state economy. These reforms laid the groundwork for what some scholars describe as File:StateMarksoc.pngstate-oriented market socialism, an economic system where markets exist but remain subordinate to state strategic goals.

Some historians therefore argue that Zhou’s economic thinking anticipated aspects of later reform policies associated with Deng Xiaoping. Critics from more radical Maoist factions sometimes accused Zhou of promoting proto-Dengism, suggesting that his technocratic pragmatism foreshadowed the market-oriented reforms of the late twentieth century.

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National Communism and Chinese Independence

A crucial component of Zhou Enlai’s worldview was the assertion of China’s political independence within the socialist world. During the early years of the People’s Republic, the Chinese government maintained close ties with the Soviet Union, but tensions gradually emerged between Beijing and Moscow.

Zhou played a central role in navigating these ideological and strategic disputes. By the 1960s the conflict had developed into the Sino-Soviet Split, which reshaped global communist politics.

In response to Soviet pressure and ideological disagreements, the Chinese leadership promoted a form of File:NatMao.pngnational communism that emphasized the autonomy of the Chinese revolution. This position rejected Soviet dominance over the international communist movement and reinforced China’s claim to represent an independent socialist path.

Zhou’s later diplomacy therefore incorporated anti-Sovietism, particularly after relations between the two countries deteriorated into open hostility along their shared border.

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Political Control, Security, and the Revolutionary State

Despite his reputation as a moderate figure within the Communist Party, Zhou Enlai remained committed to maintaining strict political control over Chinese society. The early People’s Republic relied heavily on state security institutions, revolutionary tribunals, and ideological campaigns to eliminate opposition.

These mechanisms formed part of a broader system sometimes described as File:PRCPol.pngpolice statism, in which internal security agencies played a major role in enforcing political conformity. Counterintelligence operations were also critical, as the government sought to identify foreign spies and domestic dissidents.

Zhou supervised aspects of this security apparatus, coordinating intelligence networks and internal investigations. Some scholars describe this system as File:MSS.pngcounterintelligence statism, highlighting the integration of intelligence work into the broader structure of the socialist state.

The revolutionary period also witnessed episodes of political violence, including campaigns against perceived counter-revolutionaries. Critics later described these actions as forms of File:RedTerror.pngRed Terror, although Chinese official narratives framed them as necessary measures to protect the revolution during a volatile period of state formation.

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The Cultural Revolution and the Struggle for Moderation

The most turbulent period of Zhou Enlai’s career occurred during the File:RevProg.pngCultural Revolution, launched by Mao Zedong to purge perceived ideological enemies within the Communist Party.

During this decade of upheaval, radical factions known as the Gang of Four attempted to consolidate power by mobilizing revolutionary youth movements such as the File:RedGuard.pngRed Guards.

Zhou navigated this dangerous political environment with remarkable caution. While publicly supporting Mao’s revolutionary agenda, he worked behind the scenes to limit the destruction of state institutions and protect experienced administrators from persecution.

This delicate balancing act placed him in conflict with several radical figures, including Lin Biao, who had been Mao’s designated successor before falling from power in 1971. Zhou ultimately aligned himself against Lin Biao and later against the Gang of Four, whose radical policies threatened the stability of the Chinese state.

Although Zhou remained loyal to Mao personally, the radicals sometimes accused him of anti-Maoism and excessive moderation. These accusations reflected deeper ideological tensions within the Communist Party over the direction of the revolution.

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Stratocracy and the Role of the Military

The Chinese revolutionary state maintained close ties between the Communist Party and the military, particularly the File:PLA.pngPeople's Liberation Army. This relationship produced elements of stratocracy, where military institutions played an important role in governance and political authority.

Zhou worked closely with military leaders throughout his career, especially during periods of internal crisis. However, he generally preferred a balanced system in which military influence remained subordinate to civilian party leadership.

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Diplomacy and the Five Principles of Coexistence

Perhaps Zhou Enlai’s most enduring legacy lies in the field of diplomacy. As premier and foreign minister, he became one of the most respected diplomats of the twentieth century.

In the 1950s Zhou articulated the File:Pac.pngFive Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, a diplomatic framework emphasizing mutual sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference, equality, and peaceful cooperation between states. These principles became a cornerstone of Chinese foreign policy and were widely promoted among newly independent nations in Asia and Africa.

Zhou’s diplomacy sought to position China as a leader of the developing world while avoiding direct confrontation with major powers whenever possible. This approach reflected elements of File:Moderate ML.pngmoderatism and pragmatic international engagement.

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Rapprochement with the United States

One of Zhou’s most dramatic diplomatic achievements was the normalization of relations between China and the United States during the early 1970s.

After decades of hostility during the Cold War, secret negotiations between Zhou and American representatives led to the historic visit of Richard Nixon to China in 1972. The diplomatic process involved extensive discussions with File:HenryKissinger.pngHenry Kissinger, whose strategic approach to geopolitics influenced the negotiations.

Zhou viewed the rapprochement with the United States as a strategic necessity in the context of the Sino-Soviet rivalry. While maintaining ideological differences with Washington, he recognized that cooperation with the United States could strengthen China’s international position.

Observers sometimes describe Zhou’s diplomatic pragmatism as sympathetic to elements of Kissingerian realism, emphasizing balance-of-power politics and strategic flexibility.

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Cult of Personality and the Dual Leadership Structure

Despite his pragmatic outlook, Zhou operated within a political system dominated by Mao Zedong’s File:Cultofpersonality.pngcult of personality. Mao remained the symbolic center of Chinese revolutionary legitimacy, and Zhou consistently affirmed his loyalty to Mao’s leadership.

This arrangement produced a form of File:Diarchy.pngdiarchy within the Chinese political structure: Mao functioned as the ideological leader and charismatic revolutionary figure, while Zhou served as the administrative manager and diplomatic strategist of the state.

Some critics described this arrangement sarcastically as “File:EunuchZhou.pngEunuch Zhou Rule,” suggesting that Zhou wielded significant influence while remaining subordinate to Mao’s authority. Regardless of such criticisms, Zhou’s ability to operate effectively within this hierarchy allowed him to shape Chinese policy for decades.

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Legacy and Historical Interpretation

Zhou Enlai died in 1976, shortly before the end of the Cultural Revolution. His death triggered widespread public mourning across China, reflecting his reputation as one of the most respected figures in the Communist leadership.

Historians continue to debate the nature of Zhou’s political philosophy. Some view him as a pragmatic technocrat who helped moderate the excesses of Maoist radicalism, while others argue that he remained fundamentally committed to the authoritarian structure of the revolutionary state.

The concept of Techno-Maoism captures this complex legacy: a political orientation that combined ideological loyalty to Maoism with technocratic governance, industrial modernization, and strategic diplomacy.

By blending Marxist-Leninist ideology, state-directed economic development, national communism, and pragmatic foreign policy, Zhou Enlai helped shape the political foundations of modern China. His career illustrates the tension between revolutionary ideology and administrative pragmatism—a tension that continues to influence Chinese political thought in the twenty-first century.

File:Tarcís10.png Tarcisio de Freitas

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Personality

Machiavellianism is very much... Machiavellian in his behavior. Generally very manipulative and self-serving, with a realistic and pragmatic approach.

How to Draw

File:Macchiavelli COA.svg

Coat of Arms of Machiavellianism

Machiavellianism's design is based on the Machiavelli Coat of Arms.

1. Draw a ball with eyes.
2. In Blue Draw a Cross on the ball.
3. Draw 4 needles pointing at the center of the cross.

And you're done!

Color Name		HEX	RGB
	Blue	#0000FF	rgb(0, 0, 255)
	White	#FFFFFF	rgb(255, 255, 255)

Relationships

REALISM GANG

• File:Oligarchy.png Oligarchy - Nobody rules alone.
• File:Illum.png Illuminatism - My beloved student, and an absolute prodigy. Real power, is secret power.
• File:Esosoc.png Esoteric Socialism - In that case, this is the best socialist.
• File:Nooc.png Noocracy - Knowledge is wisdom.
• Ingsoc - Power is an end, not a means.
• Police Statism - How I easily maintain power.
• Stratocracy - Another key of power, which is actually more important than the previous one.
• Mediacracy - Good for keeping power.
• File:Res Publica.png Roman Republicanism - Machiavelli loved you.
• Bismarckism - It has been a while, my old friend. What a shame Kaiser Wilhelm let his juvenile ambition ruin what you achieved.
• Kemalism - "If we write doctrine, we freeze and stay where we are."
• File:Socauth.png Social Authoritarianism - This is quite a realist depiction of the behavior of some social democrats.
• Progressive Conservatism and File:Radcent.png Radical Centrism - I like how you counteract those annoying ideologues.
• Fascism - Mussolini's choice of making your doctrine flexible rather than of sterile theory is much appreciated.
• Dengism - It does not matter whether the cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice.
• File:LKY.png Lee Kuan Yew Thought and File:ParkChungHee.png Park Chung Hee Thought - Great followers of mine! Thanks to their adherence to my nonexistent ideals, they became the renowned saviors of their respective nations that they are.
• File:Tito.png Titoism - Similar to the two above, except Yugoslavia later collapsed when you died.
• Putinism - Praising both Yeltsin, Solzhenitsyn and Stalin makes for a special kind of opportunist.

Masks

• Monarchism and Republicanism - Depending on the situation, as long as you work for and benefit me, you'll be fine. But Machiavelli liked the latter more.
• Populism - A broad-front appeal is a good way to get into power. I don't have to live up to my promises, though.
• Third Way - Theory should appeal to all sides of the population, for the West you are (mostly) perfect today. You are starting to lose power, though (see Germany in 2025 or China post-2016). Maybe you should stop being so dogmatically liberal on immigration?
• Marxism - You sometimes referred to me as a proto-theorist on class struggle, and you called my book “The History of Florence” a masterpiece. The only reason you are not in the realism gang right now is the fact that others have (falsely) accused you of being dogmatic.
• File:Frankfurt.png Frankfurt School - Good that you oppose dogmatic positivism and that you take from many different philosophers. However you are still kinda idealist and dogmatically anti-fascist.
• Constitutionalism - "Hi, I'm Saul Goodman. Did you know that you have rights? The constitution says you do. And so do I."
• File:Plutocrat.png Plutocracy - Wealth and power is a end itself. Though you eventually caused the collapse of many societies throughout history.
• Liberal Socialism - You're extremely romantic and idealistic, yet you simultaneously like me and are highly pragmatic?... Alright.

Semi-Realist Frenemies

• Maoism - I love your way of diplomacy, but your internal policy was a horrific combination of pathetic idealism, prideful ignorance and sheer incompetence, and as a result you destroyed your own country, TWICE. You also hated and persecuted File:Dengalt.png Deng, even though it was him who tried and fixed your terrible policies. File:ZhouEnlai.png Zhou Enlai, however, was one of your best disciples, and did his best to keep China from collapsing in on itself.
• Stalinism - You were kinda based when you reconciled with the church during World War Two and when you made agreements with capitalist corporations when you were industrializing your country, but your dogmatic policy of collectivization just ruined all of the agriculture. I still prefer Bukharin. I would've put you higher if you chose to ally yourself with Mussolini instead of slandering him.
• Kleptocracy - While I did say a prince should know how to do evil, the premise is "As far as he can, a prince should follow the path of good".
• File:Krater.png Kraterocracy - You rule with mighty strength, but must learn to avoid the mistake of strength without mercy.
• Aristocracy - Your problem, my "good" prince, is exactly the opposite of the former.
• Anarcho-Egoism - I appreciate that you value personal gain, but citizens of the state are not required to reject morality, only the leadership.
• Anarcho-Nihilism - Morals and other traditional beliefs are to be discarded as a guide to realpolitik, but be less passive and more ambitious.
• File:Pirat.png Hydrarchy - THE DREAMS OF PIRATES... WILL NEVER END! Depends. Sometimes I can hire him to do my dirty work as a privateer, which moralists fear to do. Sometimes he's just a criminal who wants to steal my stuff.
• File:SoldierTf2.png Tf2 Soldier - This... is a bucket.
  • File:SoldierTf2.png Dear God...

• • There's more.

• • File:SoldierTf2.png No!

ANTI-REALIST FREAKS

• Satirism - STOP MOCKING ME!
• Anti-Realism - Psycho who wants to light me on fire.
• File:OchloAngry.png Ochlocracy - "For the mob is always impressed by appearances and by results, and the world is composed of the mob."
• Italian Left Communism - This is pure dogma and no praxis at all.
• Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Maoism–Third Worldism and Pol Potism - Maoism has just lost all of its redeeming qualities and jumped into the pit of pure idealism.
• Hoxhaism - Another dogmatic ML who called anyone even slightly to the right of him a "revisionist".
• File:Utsoc.png Utopian Socialism - Utopian mentality can be dangerous, even self-destructive.
• Trotskyism - "Permanent Worldwide Revolution" sounds like a dogmatic nightmare that luckily won't ever come true.
• Neoconservatism - You have recently shown yourself to be just as naive as Trotskyism.
• File:Theocrat.png Theocracy - You force your dogma on everyone.
• File:StateathFedora.png State Atheism - You too buddy. You're literally the same as the above, just trying to fight dogma with dogma.
• Nazism - I don’t care if you claim to be me. As my German friend has already said, you are waaay too idealist to be of any value.
• Trumpism - You are alienating US allies and trying to separate yourself from China. Are you trying to lose power??
  • I am on my second, and last term. I have nothing to lose.

• Neoluddism - Why won't you work for me? I can help with your extreme environmental concerns by dealing with industrialists to eventually curb all harm to animals and to the environment. But no! You keep using your dogma to kill others just because they support development! You should be ashamed of yourself!
• Soulism - Quit your weed-induced ideology of pure idealism and come back to reality for once.
• File:NevilleChamberlain.png Chamberlainism - I repeat what I have already said, namely that you should never let yourself be driven off-course by your desire to avoid a war because in such a case you won’t avoid it but will merely postpone it to your disadvantage.
• Kakistocracy - Either a useful idiot at best or an obstacle to proper governance at worst.
• Arsonism - "One shudders to imagine what inhuman thoughts lie behind that mask. What dreams of chronic and sustained cruelty?"
• Lepperism - Come on, take a delicious bribe! You forgot we had a Coalition along with him?

Further Information

Literature

• The Prince by File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Niccolo Machiavelli | Audiobook
• Discourses of Livy by File:Niccolo Machiavelli.png Niccolo Machiavelli
• The Dictators Handbook: Why Bad Behaviour is Almost Always Good Politics by File:Liberal Democracy.png Bruce Bueno de Mesquita
• The Logic of Political Survival by File:Liberal Democracy.png Bruce Bueno de Mesquita
• The Machiavellians: Defenders of Freedom by James Burnham
• Machiavelli and Us by Louis Althusser
• Three Turning Points in Political Thought 2: Machiavelli by File:IsaiahBerlin.png Isaiah Berlin
• The 48 Laws of Power by File:PragmatLib.png Robert Green

File:Wikipedia.png Wikipedia

• Machiavellianism (Politics)
• File:Realism.png Realism (International Relations)
• Machiavellian Intelligence
• Political Opportunism
• File:Realpolitik.png Realpolitik
• File:Pragmat.png Pragmatism
• Machiavellianism (Psychology)
• Machiavellianism in the Workplace
• Éminence grise

File:YouTube.png Videos

• What “Machiavellian” really means - Pazit Cahlon and Alex Gendler by Ted-Ed
• POLITICAL THEORY - Niccolò Machiavelli by The School of Life
• The Rules for Rulers by CGP Grey
• Death & Dynasties by CGP Grey
• The Fox of Florence | The Life & Times of Machiavelli (ft. Blue from OSP) by Jack Rackam
• Politics Isn't About Right or Wrong; It's About Winning by Jreg
• A Critique of Realism by File:KrautYT.png Kraut
• Henry Kissinger, The Last Diplomat by Sarcasmitron

Online Communities

• r/The48LawsOfPower File:Reddit.png
• r/Machiavellianism File:Reddit.png

Gallery

Portraits

• File:Machiavellanism.png
• File:Machiavelli.png
• File:Oppurtunism.png
• File:Makiawelli.png
• File:Machiavellianist.png

Comics and Artwork

• 
  Credit: u/1945BestYear, Source
• Credit: File:Ktech-icon.png K-Tech, Source
  Credit: File:Ktech-icon.png K-Tech, Source
• By File:METBOL.png User:Muddy Mudkipz
  By File:METBOL.png User:Muddy Mudkipz
• Machiavelli Coat-of-Arms
  Machiavelli Coat-of-Arms